10–50 m
MmWave is a very high band spectrum between 30 to 300 GHz. As it is a significantly less used spectrum, it provides very high-speed wireless communication. MmWave offers ultra-wide bandwidth for next-generation mobile networks. MmWave has lots of advantages, but it has some disadvantages, too, such as mmWave signals are very high-frequency signals, so they have more collision with obstacles in the air which cause the signals loses energy quickly. Buildings and trees also block MmWave signals, so these signals cover a shorter distance. To resolve these issues, multiple small cell stations are installed to cover the gap between end-user and base station [ 18 ]. Small cell covers a very shorter range, so the installation of a small cell depends on the population of a particular area. Generally, in a populated place, the distance between each small cell varies from 10 to 90 meters. In the survey [ 20 ], various authors implemented small cells with massive MIMO simultaneously. They also reviewed multiple technologies used in 5G like beamforming, small cell, massive MIMO, NOMA, device to device (D2D) communication. Various problems like interference management, spectral efficiency, resource management, energy efficiency, and backhauling are discussed. The author also gave a detailed presentation of all the issues occurring while implementing small cells with various 5G technologies. As shown in the Figure 7 , mmWave has a higher range, so it can be easily blocked by the obstacles as shown in Figure 7 a. This is one of the key concerns of millimeter-wave signal transmission. To solve this issue, the small cell can be placed at a short distance to transmit the signals easily, as shown in Figure 7 b.
Pictorial representation of communication with and without small cells.
Beamforming is a key technology of wireless networks which transmits the signals in a directional manner. 5G beamforming making a strong wireless connection toward a receiving end. In conventional systems when small cells are not using beamforming, moving signals to particular areas is quite difficult. Beamforming counter this issue using beamforming small cells are able to transmit the signals in particular direction towards a device like mobile phone, laptops, autonomous vehicle and IoT devices. Beamforming is improving the efficiency and saves the energy of the 5G network. Beamforming is broadly divided into three categories: Digital beamforming, analog beamforming and hybrid beamforming. Digital beamforming: multiuser MIMO is equal to digital beamforming which is mainly used in LTE Advanced Pro and in 5G NR. In digital beamforming the same frequency or time resources can be used to transmit the data to multiple users at the same time which improves the cell capacity of wireless networks. Analog Beamforming: In mmWave frequency range 5G NR analog beamforming is a very important approach which improves the coverage. In digital beamforming there are chances of high pathloss in mmWave as only one beam per set of antenna is formed. While the analog beamforming saves high pathloss in mmWave. Hybrid beamforming: hybrid beamforming is a combination of both analog beamforming and digital beamforming. In the implementation of MmWave in 5G network hybrid beamforming will be used [ 84 ].
Wireless signals in the 4G network are spreading in large areas, and nature is not Omnidirectional. Thus, energy depletes rapidly, and users who are accessing these signals also face interference problems. The beamforming technique is used in the 5G network to resolve this issue. In beamforming signals are directional. They move like a laser beam from the base station to the user, so signals seem to be traveling in an invisible cable. Beamforming helps achieve a faster data rate; as the signals are directional, it leads to less energy consumption and less interference. In [ 21 ], investigators evolve some techniques which reduce interference and increase system efficiency of the 5G mobile network. In this survey article, the authors covered various challenges faced while designing an optimized beamforming algorithm. Mainly focused on different design parameters such as performance evaluation and power consumption. In addition, they also described various issues related to beamforming like CSI, computation complexity, and antenna correlation. They also covered various research to cover how beamforming helps implement MIMO in next-generation mobile networks [ 85 ]. Figure 8 shows the pictorial representation of communication with and without using beamforming.
Pictorial Representation of communication with and without using beamforming.
Mobile Edge Computing (MEC) [ 24 ]: MEC is an extended version of cloud computing that brings cloud resources closer to the end-user. When we talk about computing, the very first thing that comes to our mind is cloud computing. Cloud computing is a very famous technology that offers many services to end-user. Still, cloud computing has many drawbacks. The services available in the cloud are too far from end-users that create latency, and cloud user needs to download the complete application before use, which also increases the burden to the device [ 86 ]. MEC creates an edge between the end-user and cloud server, bringing cloud computing closer to the end-user. Now, all the services, namely, video conferencing, virtual software, etc., are offered by this edge that improves cloud computing performance. Another essential feature of MEC is that the application is split into two parts, which, first one is available at cloud server, and the second is at the user’s device. Therefore, the user need not download the complete application on his device that increases the performance of the end user’s device. Furthermore, MEC provides cloud services at very low latency and less bandwidth. In [ 23 , 87 ], the author’s investigation proved that successful deployment of MEC in 5G network increases the overall performance of 5G architecture. Graphical differentiation between cloud computing and mobile edge computing is presented in Figure 9 .
Pictorial representation of cloud computing vs. mobile edge computing.
Security is the key feature in the telecommunication network industry, which is necessary at various layers, to handle 5G network security in applications such as IoT, Digital forensics, IDS and many more [ 88 , 89 ]. The authors [ 90 ], discussed the background of 5G and its security concerns, challenges and future directions. The author also introduced the blockchain technology that can be incorporated with the IoT to overcome the challenges in IoT. The paper aims to create a security framework which can be incorporated with the LTE advanced network, and effective in terms of cost, deployment and QoS. In [ 91 ], author surveyed various form of attacks, the security challenges, security solutions with respect to the affected technology such as SDN, Network function virtualization (NFV), Mobile Clouds and MEC, and security standardizations of 5G, i.e., 3GPP, 5GPPP, Internet Engineering Task Force (IETF), Next Generation Mobile Networks (NGMN), European Telecommunications Standards Institute (ETSI). In [ 92 ], author elaborated various technological aspects, security issues and their existing solutions and also mentioned the new emerging technological paradigms for 5G security such as blockchain, quantum cryptography, AI, SDN, CPS, MEC, D2D. The author aims to create new security frameworks for 5G for further use of this technology in development of smart cities, transportation and healthcare. In [ 93 ], author analyzed the threats and dark threat, security aspects concerned with SDN and NFV, also their Commercial & Industrial Security Corporation (CISCO) 5G vision and new security innovations with respect to the new evolving architectures of 5G [ 94 ].
AuthenticationThe identification of the user in any network is made with the help of authentication. The different mobile network generations from 1G to 5G have used multiple techniques for user authentication. 5G utilizes the 5G Authentication and Key Agreement (AKA) authentication method, which shares a cryptographic key between user equipment (UE) and its home network and establishes a mutual authentication process between the both [ 95 ].
Access Control To restrict the accessibility in the network, 5G supports access control mechanisms to provide a secure and safe environment to the users and is controlled by network providers. 5G uses simple public key infrastructure (PKI) certificates for authenticating access in the 5G network. PKI put forward a secure and dynamic environment for the 5G network. The simple PKI technique provides flexibility to the 5G network; it can scale up and scale down as per the user traffic in the network [ 96 , 97 ].
Communication Security 5G deals to provide high data bandwidth, low latency, and better signal coverage. Therefore secure communication is the key concern in the 5G network. UE, mobile operators, core network, and access networks are the main focal point for the attackers in 5G communication. Some of the common attacks in communication at various segments are Botnet, message insertion, micro-cell, distributed denial of service (DDoS), and transport layer security (TLS)/secure sockets layer (SSL) attacks [ 98 , 99 ].
Encryption The confidentiality of the user and the network is done using encryption techniques. As 5G offers multiple services, end-to-end (E2E) encryption is the most suitable technique applied over various segments in the 5G network. Encryption forbids unauthorized access to the network and maintains the data privacy of the user. To encrypt the radio traffic at Packet Data Convergence Protocol (PDCP) layer, three 128-bits keys are applied at the user plane, nonaccess stratum (NAS), and access stratum (AS) [ 100 ].
In this section, various issues addressed by investigators in 5G technologies are presented in Table 13 . In addition, different parameters are considered, such as throughput, latency, energy efficiency, data rate, spectral efficiency, fairness & computing capacity, transmission rate, coverage, cost, security requirement, performance, QoS, power optimization, etc., indexed from R1 to R14.
Summary of 5G Technology above stated challenges (R1:Throughput, R2:Latency, R3:Energy Efficiency, R4:Data Rate, R5:Spectral efficiency, R6:Fairness & Computing Capacity, R7:Transmission Rate, R8:Coverage, R9:Cost, R10:Security requirement, R11:Performance, R12:Quality of Services (QoS), R13:Power Optimization).
Approach | R1 | R2 | R3 | R4 | R5 | R6 | R7 | R8 | R9 | R10 | R11 | R12 | R13 | R14 |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Panzner et al. [ ] | Good | Low | Good | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Qiao et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | Good | Avg | - | - | - | - |
He et al. [ ] | Avg | Low | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Abrol and jha [ ] | - | - | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good |
Al-Imari et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | Good | Good | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Papadopoulos et al. [ ] | Good | Low | Avg | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Kiani and Nsari [ ] | - | - | - | - | Avg | Good | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Beck [ ] | - | Low | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | - | - | - | Good | - | Avg |
Ni et al. [ ] | - | - | - | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | Avg | - | - |
Elijah [ ] | Avg | Low | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Alawe et al. [ ] | - | Low | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | - |
Zhou et al. [ ] | Avg | - | Good | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Islam et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | Good | Avg | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Bega et al. [ ] | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | - |
Akpakwu et al. [ ] | - | - | - | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | Good | - | - |
Wei et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | Avg | Low | - | - | - | - |
Khurpade et al. [ ] | - | - | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | - | - |
Timotheou and Krikidis [ ] | - | - | - | - | Good | Good | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Wang [ ] | Avg | Low | Avg | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Akhil Gupta & R. K. Jha [ ] | - | - | Good | Avg | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | Good | - |
Pérez-Romero et al. [ ] | - | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg |
Pi [ ] | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | Good | Avg | - | - | - | - |
Zi et al. [ ] | - | Avg | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Chin [ ] | - | - | Good | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | - | Good | - | - |
Mamta Agiwal [ ] | - | Avg | - | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | Avg | - | - |
Ramesh et al. [ ] | Good | Avg | Good | - | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Niu [ ] | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | Avg | Avg | - | - | - | |
Fang et al. [ ] | - | Avg | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Good | - |
Hoydis [ ] | - | - | Good | - | Good | - | - | - | - | Avg | - | Good | - | - |
Wei et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | Good | Avg | Good | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Hong et al. [ ] | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | Avg | Avg | Low | - | - | - |
Rashid [ ] | - | - | - | Good | - | - | - | Good | - | - | - | Avg | - | Good |
Prasad et al. [ ] | Good | - | Good | - | Avg | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
Lähetkangas et al. [ ] | - | Low | Av | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - | - |
This survey article illustrates the emergence of 5G, its evolution from 1G to 5G mobile network, applications, different research groups, their work, and the key features of 5G. It is not just a mobile broadband network, different from all the previous mobile network generations; it offers services like IoT, V2X, and Industry 4.0. This paper covers a detailed survey from multiple authors on different technologies in 5G, such as massive MIMO, Non-Orthogonal Multiple Access (NOMA), millimeter wave, small cell, MEC (Mobile Edge Computing), beamforming, optimization, and machine learning in 5G. After each section, a tabular comparison covers all the state-of-the-research held in these technologies. This survey also shows the importance of these newly added technologies and building a flexible, scalable, and reliable 5G network.
This article covers a detailed survey on the 5G mobile network and its features. These features make 5G more reliable, scalable, efficient at affordable rates. As discussed in the above sections, numerous technical challenges originate while implementing those features or providing services over a 5G mobile network. So, for future research directions, the research community can overcome these challenges while implementing these technologies (MIMO, NOMA, small cell, mmWave, beam-forming, MEC) over a 5G network. 5G communication will bring new improvements over the existing systems. Still, the current solutions cannot fulfill the autonomous system and future intelligence engineering requirements after a decade. There is no matter of discussion that 5G will provide better QoS and new features than 4G. But there is always room for improvement as the considerable growth of centralized data and autonomous industry 5G wireless networks will not be capable of fulfilling their demands in the future. So, we need to move on new wireless network technology that is named 6G. 6G wireless network will bring new heights in mobile generations, as it includes (i) massive human-to-machine communication, (ii) ubiquitous connectivity between the local device and cloud server, (iii) creation of data fusion technology for various mixed reality experiences and multiverps maps. (iv) Focus on sensing and actuation to control the network of the entire world. The 6G mobile network will offer new services with some other technologies; these services are 3D mapping, reality devices, smart homes, smart wearable, autonomous vehicles, artificial intelligence, and sense. It is expected that 6G will provide ultra-long-range communication with a very low latency of 1 ms. The per-user bit rate in a 6G wireless network will be approximately 1 Tbps, and it will also provide wireless communication, which is 1000 times faster than 5G networks.
Author contributions.
Conceptualization: R.D., I.Y., G.C., P.L. data gathering: R.D., G.C., P.L, I.Y. funding acquisition: I.Y. investigation: I.Y., G.C., G.P. methodology: R.D., I.Y., G.C., P.L., G.P., survey: I.Y., G.C., P.L, G.P., R.D. supervision: G.C., I.Y., G.P. validation: I.Y., G.P. visualization: R.D., I.Y., G.C., P.L. writing, original draft: R.D., I.Y., G.C., P.L., G.P. writing, review, and editing: I.Y., G.C., G.P. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
This paper was supported by Soonchunhyang University.
Informed consent statement, data availability statement, conflicts of interest.
The authors declare no conflict of interest.
Publisher’s Note: MDPI stays neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.
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Humanities and Social Sciences Communications volume 11 , Article number: 1255 ( 2024 ) Cite this article
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As the COVID-19 pandemic has accelerated the shift towards mobile Internet while decreasing traditional, non-mobile Internet usage, understanding the implications of this trend on individuals’ subjective well-being has become particularly crucial. While the distinction in connectivity is evident, the specific ways in which each modality influences subjective well-being are not well documented. This study, grounded in the uses and gratifications theory, asserts that while both Internet types fulfil some similar gratifications, their unique gratifications lead to varying impacts on subjective well-being in normal and socially disruptive times. Utilising a representative longitudinal dataset from China comprising 46,803 observations from 15,601 individuals, our findings indicate that traditional Internet generally exerts a more positive influence on subjective well-being than mobile Internet. However, the role of mobile Internet has become significantly more pronounced during the COVID-19 pandemic. We further reveal the substitution effect between mobile and non-mobile Internet, which diminished during the COVID-19 pandemic. This study offers novel insights into the comparative effects of mobile and traditional Internet on subjective well-being, especially during social disturbances. This research contributes to a deeper understanding of technology’s role in enhancing subjective well-being, as well as in mitigating the impacts of crises.
Introduction.
The past decades have witnessed the proliferation of the Internet and corresponding dramatic changes in individuals’ daily lives. As of January 2024, the number of Internet users worldwide had grown to 5.36 billion, with users spending an average of 6.67 h daily on the Internet (Data Reportal 2024 ). The Internet has emerged as a pivotal hub for an array of activities, including communication, information search, leisure pursuits, and social interactions (Katz and Koutroumpis 2013 ; Orben and Przybylski 2019 ; Tong et al. 2021 ). Especially during the COVID-19 pandemic, various control measures, such as lockdowns and social distancing, have prevented physical contact, making people even more dependent on the Internet (Chen et al. 2020 ; Feldmann et al. 2021 ). According to Genie Networks ( 2020 ), the traffic of major Asian network operators increased by approximately 49% after the COVID-19 outbreak.
The impact of Internet usage on subjective well-being has garnered significant attention from scholars (Castellacci and Tveito 2018 ; Lu and Kandilov 2021 ). Subjective well-being is a crucial part of mental health and overall quality of life (Diener 2000 ) contributing to reduced health risks and longevity (Diener and Chan 2011 ; Iwasa et al. 2006 ; Yu et al. 2016 ). Protecting subjective well-being is essential for maintaining overall health, particularly during challenging times (Pierce et al. 2020 ; Qiu et al. 2020 ). The existing research indicates that Internet usage can enhance subjective well-being; the Internet allows remote communication, thereby strengthening users’ social connections (Li and Zhou 2021 ). Additionally, it provides individuals with access to richer information (Lian and Yen 2014 ) and enables them to engage in a more diverse range of activities (Wong et al. 2014 ).
To date, the extant literature has largely focused on general Internet usage (e.g. Khalilaila and Vitman-Schorr 2018 ; Li and Zhou 2021 ), without considering the differences between various types of Internet services. Recently, there has been a rapid increase in the use of the mobile Internet (Lu and Kandilov 2021 ), which primarily refers to Internet access via handheld devices such as smartphones and tablets. In contrast, traditional non-mobile Internet is accessed through personal computers and laptops (de Haan et al. 2018 ; Napoli and Obar 2014 ). These two types of the Internet exhibit significant differences in terms of technical capabilities and usage patterns (Chae and Kim 2003 ; Pearce and Rice 2013 ). For example, the traditional non-mobile Internet tends to have higher levels of available resources and stronger multimedia processing capabilities, whereas the mobile Internet offers a higher degree of personalisation and convenience of access (Napoli and Obar 2014 ). These differences may lead to different gratifications and consequently have varying effects on subjective well-being. A few studies have explored the relevance of mobile Internet. Lu and Kandilov ( 2021 ) suggest that mobile Internet usage can enhance social relationships, thereby improving subjective well-being and extending general Internet findings to the mobile context. However, the distinct impacts of these two types of Internet on subjective well-being have not yet received sufficient attention.
To enhance the understanding of the differences between mobile and non-mobile Internet and strategies to promote subjective well-being, we aim to answer the following questions: (1) How does the impact of mobile Internet on subjective well-being compare to that of the traditional non-mobile Internet? (2) How does the impact of mobile and non-mobile Internet use on subjective well-being change during times of societal disruption such as the COVID-19 pandemic? (3) How do mobile and non-mobile Internet interact to affect subjective well-being?
The remainder of this paper is organised as follows. The second section introduces the theoretical background and develops the hypotheses. The third section describes the method and data used. The forth section describes the findings of the research, and the fifth section presents the conclusions and discusses the contributions and limitations of the study.
Uses and gratifications theory.
We integrate the uses and gratifications theory (UGT) into our conceptual reasoning to explain why mobile and non-mobile Internet play different roles in enhancing subjective well-being and how their effects interact and evolve during times of societal disruption such as the COVID-19 pandemic. Scholars have proposed that the UGT can explain how individuals use specific media to meet their needs and achieve gratification (Blumler 1979 ; Katz et al. 1973 ) and can serve as a powerful tool for understanding the interaction between information technology and people. Scholars have applied the UGT to a wide range of topics, including mobile phone applications (Gao 2023 ), e-commerce (Kukar-Kinney et al. 2022 ), social media (Whiting and Williams 2013 ), and the Internet (LaRose et al. 2001 ; Cho et al. 2003 ).
The UGT provides a user-centred perspective to explore the differences between mobile and non-mobile Internet focusing on the gratification they offer to users. The UGT suggests that users primarily engage with information technology to achieve various forms of gratification (Blumler 1979 ; Katz et al. 1973 ). First, users have diverse gratification needs such as entertainment, social interaction, information, and so forth. Different information technologies can fulfil one or more of these needs. For example, as Gao ( 2023 ) suggests smart mobile learning platforms offer multiple forms of gratification, including technological, hedonic, and functional. Mobile Internet shares several common gratification types with the traditional non-mobile Internet, including content, process, and social gratification (Stafford et al. 2004 ). However, the existing literature also underlines the distinctions between mobile and traditional Internet, which may be attributed to the different types of gratification they provide (Ghose et al. 2013 ; Song and Sela, 2023 ). Second, the gratification types sought by users are dynamic; changing environments can influence both the nature of sought gratifications and their prioritisation. Research has shown that societal shifts, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, significantly impact the interaction between individuals and information technology (Wilson-Nash et al. 2023 ). Accordingly, we incorporate a dynamic perspective into the UGT framework to investigate how societal disruptions affect the roles of mobile and non-mobile Internet.
Both mobile and non-mobile Internet enable individuals to experience the gratification provided by Internet connectivity. Internet provides a powerful way for individuals to obtain rich information and content and interact with others, thereby contributing to an increase in well-being (Castellacci and Tveito 2018 ; Contarello and Sarrica 2007 ; Graham and Nikolova 2013 ; Lu and Kandilov 2021 ). Stafford et al. ( 2004 ) suggest that Internet usage plays an important role in at least three categories of gratification. The first is content gratification, in which individuals benefit from the information and materials provided by the Internet. The second is process gratification, where users gain satisfaction through Internet surfing behaviour, including both random browsing and purposeful navigation. The last is social gratification, through which users can leverage the Internet to build and enhance their social connections.
Although both mobile and non-mobile Internet provide gratification types that may be associated with increased subjective well-being, their differences could lead to variances in effect sizes. First, non-mobile Internet offers higher levels of functionality and content availability than mobile Internet (Chae and Kim 2003 ; Napoli and Obar 2014 ), facilitating easier attainment of user gratification. Although it is criticised as inferior compared to traditional non-mobile device-based access, mobile Internet provides an affordable way for those without traditional non-mobile to access the Internet. Non-mobile Internet possesses stronger functionalities than mobile Internet and is associated with greater storage capacity, more powerful computing ability, faster speed, and more convenient interactive hardware. From a content perspective, mobile Internet faces greater limitations when dealing with high-intensity content, restricting activities that require high performance when using non-mobile Internet (Chae and Kim 2003 ). While mobile Internet technology has advanced rapidly, the performance disparity between fixed and mobile Internet remains significant. Fixed Internet has stronger computing power (Ludashi 2024 ) and faster network speeds (Data Reportal 2024 ) than mobile Internet. From the user’s standpoint, the user-friendly interactive hardware system of non-mobile Internet, including large keyboards and screens, offers a high level of ease of use and reduces users’ need to expend physical and mental efforts (Pearce and Rice 2013 ; Redlinger et al. 2021 ). Prior research underscores the impact of functionality on users. The smaller screen size of mobile Internet devices is related to lower usability, resulting in an increase in the cost of information consumption (Ghose et al. 2013 ) and making it more challenging for them to perform tasks that require a high cognitive load (Ilany-Tzur and Fink 2023 ). For instance, users process less fine-grained information when browsing mobile Internet (de Haan et al. 2018 ). Moreover, Melumad et al. ( 2019 ) observed that individuals tend to generate shorter content and limit the amount of information they share on their smartphones.
Second, the ubiquity of mobile Internet may increase the user burden and hinder gratification. Although the portability of mobile devices allows individuals to enjoy Internet access without limitations of place and time (Okazaki and Mendez 2013 ; Rapp et al. 2015 ), it also creates the burden of 24/7 connectivity (Vanden Abeele, Nguyen 2022 ). With the proliferation of mobile Internet, being permanently online and continuously connected has become increasingly expected and, in many cases, taken for granted (Vanden Abeele et al. 2018 ). Mobile Internet places individuals in a state of being ‘always-on’ (Nguyen 2021 ) or constantly ‘individually addressable’ 24/7 (Ling 2008 ; Mols and Pridmore 2021 ), a condition often experienced as a burden to well-being. Furthermore, the propensity for mobile Internet addiction raises academic concerns, with studies indicating that mobile devices can be more addictive than other technologies (Gutiérrez et al. 2016 ; Roberts et al. 2015 ; Zhan et al. 2021 ; Lin et al. 2016 ). Therefore, we anticipate that non-mobile Internet may have a stronger positive impact on subjective well-being than mobile Internet, leading to the following hypothesis:
H1: The positive impact of non-mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being is stronger than that of mobile Internet usage .
The evolution of a social environment may shape individuals’ needs. Societal changes, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, can be a potent catalyst for changes in what types of gratification individuals seek. This global crisis disrupts the daily routines of individuals and undermine the subjective well-being of the public (Brooks et al. 2020 ; Wanberg et al. 2020 ). Individuals faced unprecedented levels of uncertainty, leading to a surge in levels of stress, anxiety, and depression (Petrović et al. 2022 ). This, in turn, heightens the demand for gratification related to emotional support and psychological soothing to mitigate psychological issues (Pfefferbaum and North, 2020 ). Wang et al. ( 2020 ) and Gao et al. ( 2020 ) find that the pandemic has intensified the public’s need for media content that provides reassurance, escapism, and the sense of connection, reflecting a shift towards gratification that addresses emotional and mental health issues. This evolving landscape underscores the dynamic nature of human gratification-seeking behaviour, especially in response to environmental stressors and societal upheavals. Research finds that, during the pandemic, individuals’ reliance on the Internet significantly increased, with more time spent online (Feldmann et al. 2021 ). Internet has become a crucial means of coping with psychological and mental issues caused by the pandemic. Luo et al. ( 2022 ) finds that a heightened perception of uncertainty is a key factor driving increased dependency on the Internet during COVID-19. In addition, the Internet has compensated for the lack of social support, with individuals experiencing lower levels of social support exhibiting greater dependency on the Internet during the pandemic (Li et al. 2021 ).
Compared to traditional non-mobile Internet, mobile Internet is associated with psychological pacifying gratification types and may play a significant role during periods of social disruption. Melumad and Pham ( 2021 ) points out that users are more inclined to use mobile Internet when feeling stressed, suggesting that mobile devices act as adult pacifiers and are a source of psychological comfort. On the one hand, mobile Internet is more personal and has a stronger connection with users’ identities. The high degree of personalisation in mobile Internet creates stronger physical (Melumad and Pham 2021 ), functional (Melumad and Meyer 2020 ), and emotional (Melumad et al. 2019 ) connections with users compared to traditional non-mobile Internet. The portability and unique ergonomic tactile sensation of smartphones allow mobile Internet to act as a transitional or attachment object, similar to the relationship between toddlers and their blankets or teddy bears (Melumad and Pham 2021 ; Passman 1977 ). This positioning of mobile Internet as a source of psychological comfort helps alleviate stress and protects subjective well-being during social disruptions.
On the other hand, mobile Internet is associated with the sense of control (Liu et al. 2019 ). Individuals with a lower sense of control may feel powerless about their decisions and ability to influence others. The use of mobile Internet creates a portable private personal territory for users (Hatuka and Toch 2016 ). This perceived sense of control can reduce the uncertainty that individuals experience (Ariely 2000 ) and becomes particularly salient during the chaos and uncertainty of societal disruptions (Wanberg et al. 2020 ). Previous research indicates that a sense of control is an important contributor to well-being (Lachman and Weaver 1998 ), with a higher level of perceived sense of control associated with greater subjective well-being (Anderson et al. 2012 ; Cheng et al. 2013 ). Hence, we propose the following:
H2: The relative impacts of mobile and non-mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being change in times of societal disruption; that is, the positive impact of mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being is enhanced during times of societal disruption .
Individuals may use both mobile and non-mobile Internet simultaneously, and the interaction between these two types of Internet can impact subjective well-being. On the one hand, both forms share fundamental characteristics, providing users with network connectivity. Although traditional non-mobile Internet is associated with lower physical and mental effort (Pearce and Rice 2013 ; Redlinger et al. 2021 ), and mobile Internet is linked with portability and ubiquity in normal times (Okazaki and Mendez 2013 ; Rapp et al. 2015 ), they offer similar functionalities in fulfilling users’ gratifications sought from Internet use. Both satisfy users’ needs for content, process, and social gratification (Stafford et al. 2004 ). This high degree of overlap in roles might lead to a substitutional rather than a complementary relationship between mobile and non-mobile Internet usage. On the other hand, multichannel engagement is often associated with increased user stickiness (Liu et al. 2019 ; Shankar and Balasubramanian 2009 ; Verhoef et al. 2015 ). Users engaging with both types of Internet tend to have stronger online connections and spend more time online, which could displace time spent on other activities, reduce real-world social interactions, and increase dependence on online social media (Kraut et al. 1998 ; Orben and Przybylski, 2019 ; Tong et al. 2021 ). This, in turn, could lead to a range of psychological issues such as reduced self-esteem, and high levels of loneliness and stress (Donoso et al. 2021 ; Hanna et al. 2017 ; Odaci and Çikrikçi 2014 ; Özcan and Buzlu, 2007 ; Stead and Bibby 2017 ), thereby harming subjective well-being. Based on this, we posit the following:
H3: There exists a substitutional relationship between mobile and non-mobile Internet usage; specifically, the interaction between mobile and non-mobile Internet has a negative effect on subjective well-being .
During periods of social disruption, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, the interaction between mobile and non-mobile Internet may change. First, as mentioned earlier, besides fulfilling individual content, process, and social gratification similar to traditional Internet (Stafford et al. 2004 ), mobile Internet also provides a form of psychological pacifying gratification (Melumad and Pham 2021 ). During the pandemic, the demand for pacifying gratification from mobile Internet significantly increased, accentuating the differences between mobile and traditional Internet. The overlap in the roles of mobile and non-mobile Internet is reduced, thereby weakening their substitutive relationships.
Second, in normal times, the increased duration of Internet use due to multi-type Internet usage displaces time for real-world activities such as socialising and exercising (Kraut et al. 1998 ; Orben and Przybylski 2019 ; Tong et al. 2021 ). However, during the COVID-19 pandemic, lockdowns and social distancing measures prevented physical activity. This drastically altered users’ time usage patterns, creating significant amounts of free time that Internet usage could fill and helping users establish social connections and engage in leisure activities during periods of isolation (Nguyen et al. 2021 ). Social isolation results in increased stress, anxiety, and depression. People attempt to use the Internet to mitigate feelings of loneliness and psychological issues (Petrović et al. 2022 ), which weakens the negative impact of the interaction between mobile and non-mobile Internet. Therefore, we propose the following:
H4: During times of societal disruption, the substitution effect between mobile and non-mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being diminishes .
Data and measurement.
We empirically examine these hypotheses by employing longitudinal data from a large, nationally representative sample of Chinese individuals. China is home to the largest Internet user community worldwide and had reached 1.011 billion Internet users as of June 2021 (China Internet Network Information Centre 2021 ). The expansion of the Internet user community provides a valuable opportunity to observe users’ adoption of different types of Internet and the consequences for well-being.
The China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) is a large longitudinal social survey launched by the Institute of Social Science Survey of Peking University. It is conducted every two years. Since 2016, the CFPS has distinguished between the different ways of accessing the Internet. Therefore, we constructed a balanced panel dataset based on three consecutive waves from 2016 onwards (i.e., 2016, 2018, and 2020). Data from the most recent wave (i.e., 2020) were collected between June and July 2020 after the outbreak of COVID-19, thus providing a valuable opportunity to investigate how societal disruptions shape the role of different types of Internet on individuals’ subjective well-being. We focused on observations without missing values for the key explanatory variables (mobile and non-mobile Internet usage) and response variables (subjective well-being). The final dataset includes 46,803 observations from 15,601 individuals.
The key explanatory variables of interest are mobile and traditional non-mobile Internet usage. Two binary variables are created as proxies for respondents’ Internet usage. \({{Mobile}}_{{it}}\) equals one if respondent \(i\) uses mobile devices, such as a mobile phone or tablet, to access the Internet (Lu and Kandilov 2021 ). \({{Non\_Mobile}}_{{it}}\) takes the value of one when respondent \(i\) uses traditional non-mobile devices, such as personal computers and laptop, to access the Internet.
\({{WellBeing}}_{{it}}\) is the key dependent variable. Depression is widely used to measure subjective well-being (Huppert and So 2013 ; Van Hemert et al. 2002 ; Wanberg et al. 2020 ). Subjective well-being is a comprehensive concept involving numerous dimensions, while mental health is widely recognised as an integral and fundamental component (Lachman and Weaver 1998 ). The CFPS uses the Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale (CES-D) (Radloff 1977 ) to measure depressive symptoms (more details are provided in the Appendix ). For ease of interpretation, we apply an inverse transformation and standardised the score, with a score of 1 (0) indicating the highest (lowest) level of subjective well-being.
We also incorporate a set of control variables. First, we control for demographic characteristics. \({{Age}}_{{it}}\) is the age of respondent \(i\) at time \(t\) . \({{Female}}_{i}\) is a dummy variable that takes the value of one when respondent \(i\) is a female. \({{Edu}}_{{it}}\) is a dummy variable that indicates whether respondent \(i\) has received higher education. \({{Marriage}}_{{it}}\) is an indicator of the marital status of respondent \(i\) and takes the value of 1 when respondent \(i\) is married at time \(t\) . \({{Rural}}_{{it}}\) is equal to one when respondent \(i\) resides in a rural area at time \(t\) , otherwise zero. \({{Employ}}_{{it}}\) is a categorical variable covering four employment statuses: Employed, Unemployed, Exited the labour market, and Other. A five-point item of perceived relative income (What is your relative income level in your local area: 1 = very low to 5 = very high ) is adopted to measure \({{Income}}_{{it}}\) . We also incorporate province dummies to control for geographical differences. In addition, a dummy variable, \({{COVID}}_{t}\) , constructed as an indicator of the outbreak of COVID-19 and equals 1 after the outbreak of the pandemic.
Table 1 presents the descriptive statistics of the main variables and Table 2 shows the correlation matrix.
We use \({{WellBeing}}_{{it}}\) as the dependent variable in the empirical model. The key independent variables, \({{Mobile}}_{{it}}\) and \({{Non\_Mobile}}_{{it}}\) , are incorporated to capture the differential impacts of mobile and traditional non-mobile Internet usage. The baseline model is as follows:
where \(i\) denotes the respondent, \(t\) indicates time, and \(B\) represents the coefficient of the control variables. We perform panel regression, specifically using the random effect model, to estimate the coefficients. We first estimate the impact of mobile and non-mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being. We then add \({{COVID}}_{t}\) , along with its interactions with \({{Mobile}}_{{it}}\) and \({{Non\_Mobile}}_{{it}}\) into the baseline model to investigate how the pandemic shapes the impact of different Internet types. Following this, we incorporate the interaction between mobile and non-mobile Internet usage to explore any substitution effects on subjective well-being. Due to potential collinearity issues with high-order interaction terms, which may affect the estimation accuracy, we employ grouped regression to further explore the impact of the pandemic on the relationship between the two types of Internet usage.
Table 3 presents the estimated results, detailing the differential impacts of mobile and non-mobile Internet usage and their interaction. Table 4 illustrates how social disruptions shape their roles. The results indicate that both mobile and non-mobile Internet usage positively impacted subjective well-being, with the effect size of non-mobile Internet usage (b = 0.010, p < 0.000) being larger than that of mobile Internet use (b = 0.003, p = 0.048). Following the inversion and normalisation of scores from the CES-D depression scale, a recalculation reveals that, on average, mobile Internet usage reduced an individual’s CES-D depression scale score by 0.120, whereas non-mobile Internet usage resulted in a reduction of 0.541 points. Analysis of the confidence intervals further supports the relative magnitude of the impact of mobile versus non-mobile Internet usage. The effect size of mobile Internet usage (90% C.I. = [0.001, 0.006]) falls entirely to the left of the confidence interval or non-mobile Internet usage (90% C.I. = [0.007, 0.014]). After incorporating the interaction terms, the effect size for non-mobile Internet (b = 0.019, p = 0.001) remains larger than that for mobile Internet (b = 0.003, p = 0.090), thus supporting H1. Further analysis shows the interaction between \({{COVID}}_{t}\) and \({{Mobile}}_{{it}}\) is positive and significant (b = 0.011, p = 0.000), suggesting that during the COVID-19 pandemic, the impact of mobile Internet usage on subjective well-being increase. The impact of non-mobile Internet usage does not change significantly during the societal disruption (b = −0.002, p = 0.610). This finding supports H2.
Our results also shed light on how mobile and non-mobile Internet interact and how their relationship is influenced by societal disruptions. The coefficient of the interaction term between \({{Mobile}}_{{it}}\) and \({{Non\_Mobile}}_{{it}}\) is marginally significant and negative (b = −0.010, p = 0.093), indicating that the relationship between mobile and non-mobile Internet on subjective well-being is substitutive rather than complementary. The concurrent use of both does not create a synergistic effect; instead, it diminishes the positive impact of Internet use on subjective well-being, which supports H3. A further subsample analysis reveals that, in the pre-COVID sample, the interaction term between the two types of Internet is also marginally significant and negative (b = −0.012, p = 0.058), confirming the presence of a substitution effect. However, in the post-COVID sample, the interaction term becomes insignificant (b = −0.000, p = 0.995), suggesting that societal disruptions weakened the substitution relationship between mobile and non-mobile Internet use on subjective well-being. Thus, H4 is supported, as shown in Fig. 1 .
The moderating role of societal disruption.
Based on a large-scale representative sample from China comprising 46,803 observations from 15,601 individuals across three periods before and after the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, we scrutinise the effects of mobile and traditional non-mobile Internet on subjective well-being. Consistent with existing research on general Internet use (e.g. Li and Zhou 2021 ; Lian, Yen 2014 ) and a few studies on mobile Internet (e.g. Lu and Kandilov 2021 ), we find that both mobile and non-mobile Internet usage positively affect subjective well-being. However, these effects are not equivalent; traditional non-mobile Internet generally has a more substantial positive effect on well-being than mobile Internet. This may be attributed to the fact that mobile Internet serves as a more limited form of connectivity, with constraints on functionality and content access relative to its non-mobile counterpart (Chae and Kim 2003 ; Napoli and Obar 2014 ). In addition, we discover a substitution relationship between the two types of Internet usage. This suggests that by unpacking general Internet usage more closely, we might uncover more nuanced Internet-human interaction patterns, thereby enhancing our understanding of the Internet’s impact on human well-being.
Our study also demonstrates the unique role of mobile Internet in mitigating the impact of social disturbances on subjective well-being. Our data show that, unlike non-mobile Internet, mobile Internet significantly mitigated the COVID-19 outbreak’s negative impact on subjective well-being, indicating that mobile Internet provides a unique type of satisfaction that is not offered by other forms of Internet. Due to its highly personal nature, mobile Internet may act as a ‘pacifier’; that is, a source of psychological comfort during times of social disruption (Chae and Kim 2003 ; Liu et al. 2019 ; Melumad and Pham 2021 ). Although some may view mobile Internet as a downgraded version of non-mobile Internet, its lower cost leads to higher accessibility and a potentially greater social impact, suggesting the significant potential of mobile Internet technology in addressing social challenges.
We contribute to the existing literature in three ways. First, it adds to the ongoing discussion on the role of information technology in enhancing well-being. The existing research primarily focuses on the impact of general Internet use on subjective well-being and does not differentiate between the impacts of various types of Internet (e.g. Khalilaila and Vitman-Schorr 2018 ; Paez et al. 2020 ; Li and Zhou 2021 ). While a few studies recognise the relevance of mobile Internet, they largely extend previous findings based on traditional, non-mobile Internet to the context of mobile Internet without deeply investigating the heterogeneity between mobile and traditional Internet. For example, Lu and Kandilov ( 2021 ) finds that mobile Internet can enhance social connections, thereby improving subjective well-being. Additionally, these studies often adopt a static perspective and pay less attention to the dynamic changes between Internet usage and subjective well-being. We undertake a novel comparative analysis of the different impacts of mobile and non-mobile Internet on subjective well-being, with a particular focus on the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on the UGT, we explore the unique gratifications that both mobile and non-mobile Internet provide. Overall, we find that while both Internet types can enhance subjective well-being, traditional Internet has a stronger effect. Social disturbances reverse this relationship, with mobile Internet playing a more significant role during times of social disruption. This deepens our understanding of the similarities and differences between mobile and non-mobile Internet and their impact on individuals’ welfare. Furthermore, we demonstrate the unique psychological comfort provided by mobile Internet, thus deepening our understanding of the societal implications of the widespread adoption of mobile Internet and the value of information technology in protecting subjective well-being in crisis situations.
Second, this study contributes to the literature on information technology and the COVID-19 pandemic. The extant literature primarily focuses on the increased use of the Internet resulting from the COVID-19 outbreak. The lockdowns and social distancing measures implemented in response to COVID-19 limited physical interactions, making Internet-based connections a significant part of individuals’ lives (Chen et al. 2020 ; Feldmann et al. 2021 ). Despite the fact that a substantial body of research finds that the pandemic leads individuals to spend more time online (e.g. Li et al. 2021 ; Luo et al. 2022 ), the psychological consequences of Internet use during the pandemic have received little attention. Our findings show a significant decline in subjective well-being due to the pandemic while also highlighting the compensating role of information technology. Mobile Internet can buffer the pandemic’s detrimental effects on subjective well-being. Our findings underscore the role of information technology during the pandemic and offer insights into how it can help individuals better withstand the impacts of societal disruptions.
Third, our work contributes to the expanding body of literature on UGT, which has been widely applied in information technology research, including studies on the Internet (LaRose et al. 2001 ; Cho et al. 2003 ), social media (Gan and Li 2018 ), e-commerce (Kukar-Kinney et al. 2022 ), and mobile applications (Gao 2023 ). While these studies highlight the evolution of media offerings, they often present a static perspective when examining the interactions between users and specific technologies or media platforms. The dynamic shifts in user preferences and priorities for different gratifications tend to be overlooked. Our research elucidates the dynamic nature of how the two types of Internet usage impact well-being, illustrating how grand societal disruptions influence the gratification that users seek. By shifting from static to dynamic views of user-technology interaction, we broaden the application scenarios of the UGT, thereby enhancing its explanatory power in understanding the complex dynamics between users and technology in rapidly evolving environments and contexts. Moreover, by introducing a novel category of gratification — the psychological soothing gratification provided by mobile Internet — we deepen our understanding of the Internet’s uses and gratifications, addressing Ruggiero’s ( 2000 ) call for theoretical updates to accommodate the evolution of media and the range of gratification types that new media can offer.
We close by the limitations of this research and suggesting avenues for future research. First, we measure Internet usage using two dummy variables; thus, we could not determine differences in the intensity of Internet use. Future research could use the hours or frequencies of different types of Internet usage to examine the effects of usage intensity on well-being. Second, we compared mobile and non-mobile Internet. However, with mobile Internet, the impact of tablet-based Internet access may differ from that of smartphone-based Internet access, similar to desktop- and laptop-based Internet access. Future research could consider these distinctions to explore the nuanced roles of different Internet types in fostering well-being. Third, we measure well-being by using the Centre for Epidemiologic Studies Depression Scale. Future research could use other proxies for well-being to determine whether the results hold for other components of subjective well-being. Finally, we analyse data from China, which is home to the largest online community. However, countries vary in their economies, cultures, and geography. Our findings demonstrate that the relationship between Internet use type and well-being is context-dependent. Hence, we encourage future research to extend this study using data from other countries to investigate the impact of geographical and cultural factors on the relationship between information technology and well-being.
The datasets used for the analysis in this study can be accessed on the official website of the China Family Panel Studies at https://www.isss.pku.edu.cn/cfps/index.htm .
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This work was supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC: 72172146, 71972175, 71772169); the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities (Grant Number Y95402AXX2).
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School of Economics and Management, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing, China
Xiongkai Tan, Sha Zhang, Ruichen Ge & Hong Zhao
Faculty of Economics and Business, University of Groningen, Groningen, Netherlands
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Correspondence to Sha Zhang or Hong Zhao .
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This research uses the China Family Panel Studies (CFPS) dataset, which was approved by the Biomedical Ethics Committee of Peking University (ethics approval number: IRB00001052-14010).
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Tan, X., Zhang, S., Ge, R. et al. Connectivity in crisis: the contrasting roles of mobile and non-mobile Internet on subjective well-being during the COVID-19 pandemic. Humanit Soc Sci Commun 11 , 1255 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03685-z
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DOI : https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-03685-z
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Pew Research Center has a long history of studying technology adoption trends and the impact of digital technology on society. This report focuses on American adults’ experiences with and attitudes about their internet and technology use during the COVID-19 outbreak. For this analysis, we surveyed 4,623 U.S. adults from April 12-18, 2021. Everyone who took part is a member of the Center’s American Trends Panel (ATP), an online survey panel that is recruited through national, random sampling of residential addresses. This way nearly all U.S. adults have a chance of selection. The survey is weighted to be representative of the U.S. adult population by gender, race, ethnicity, partisan affiliation, education and other categories. Read more about the ATP’s methodology .
Chapter 1 of this report includes responses to an open-ended question and the overall report includes a number of quotations to help illustrate themes and add nuance to the survey findings. Quotations may have been lightly edited for grammar, spelling and clarity. The first three themes mentioned in each open-ended response, according to a researcher-developed codebook, were coded into categories for analysis.
Here are the questions used for this report , along with responses, and its methodology .
The coronavirus has transformed many aspects of Americans’ lives. It shut down schools, businesses and workplaces and forced millions to stay at home for extended lengths of time. Public health authorities recommended limits on social contact to try to contain the spread of the virus, and these profoundly altered the way many worked, learned, connected with loved ones, carried out basic daily tasks, celebrated and mourned. For some, technology played a role in this transformation.
Results from a new Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted April 12-18, 2021, reveal the extent to which people’s use of the internet has changed, their views about how helpful technology has been for them and the struggles some have faced.
The vast majority of adults (90%) say the internet has been at least important to them personally during the pandemic, the survey finds. The share who say it has been essential – 58% – is up slightly from 53% in April 2020. There have also been upticks in the shares who say the internet has been essential in the past year among those with a bachelor’s degree or more formal education, adults under 30, and those 65 and older.
A large majority of Americans (81%) also say they talked with others via video calls at some point since the pandemic’s onset. And for 40% of Americans, digital tools have taken on new relevance: They report they used technology or the internet in ways that were new or different to them. Some also sought upgrades to their service as the pandemic unfolded: 29% of broadband users did something to improve the speed, reliability or quality of their high-speed internet connection at home since the beginning of the outbreak.
Still, tech use has not been an unmitigated boon for everyone. “ Zoom fatigue ” was widely speculated to be a problem in the pandemic, and some Americans report related experiences in the new survey: 40% of those who have ever talked with others via video calls since the beginning of the pandemic say they have felt worn out or fatigued often or sometimes by the time they spend on them. Moreover, changes in screen time occurred for Americans generally and for parents of young children . The survey finds that a third of all adults say they tried to cut back on time spent on their smartphone or the internet at some point during the pandemic. In addition, 72% of parents of children in grades K-12 say their kids are spending more time on screens compared with before the outbreak. 1
For many, digital interactions could only do so much as a stand-in for in-person communication. About two-thirds of Americans (68%) say the interactions they would have had in person, but instead had online or over the phone, have generally been useful – but not a replacement for in-person contact. Another 15% say these tools haven’t been of much use in their interactions. Still, 17% report that these digital interactions have been just as good as in-person contact.
Some types of technology have been more helpful than others for Americans. For example, 44% say text messages or group messaging apps have helped them a lot to stay connected with family and friends, 38% say the same about voice calls and 30% say this about video calls. Smaller shares say social media sites (20%) and email (19%) have helped them in this way.
The survey offers a snapshot of Americans’ lives just over one year into the pandemic as they reflected back on what had happened. It is important to note the findings were gathered in April 2021, just before all U.S. adults became eligible for coronavirus vaccine s. At the time, some states were beginning to loosen restrictions on businesses and social encounters. This survey also was fielded before the delta variant became prominent in the United States, raising concerns about new and evolving variants .
Here are some of the key takeaways from the survey.
Some Americans’ experiences with technology haven’t been smooth or easy during the pandemic. The digital divides related to internet use and affordability were highlighted by the pandemic and also emerged in new ways as life moved online.
For all Americans relying on screens during the pandemic, connection quality has been important for school assignments, meetings and virtual social encounters alike. The new survey highlights difficulties for some: Roughly half of those who have a high-speed internet connection at home (48%) say they have problems with the speed, reliability or quality of their home connection often or sometimes. 2
Beyond that, affordability remained a persistent concern for a portion of digital tech users as the pandemic continued – about a quarter of home broadband users (26%) and smartphone owners (24%) said in the April 2021 survey that they worried a lot or some about paying their internet and cellphone bills over the next few months.
From parents of children facing the “ homework gap ” to Americans struggling to afford home internet , those with lower incomes have been particularly likely to struggle. At the same time, some of those with higher incomes have been affected as well.
Affordability and connection problems have hit broadband users with lower incomes especially hard. Nearly half of broadband users with lower incomes, and about a quarter of those with midrange incomes, say that as of April they were at least somewhat worried about paying their internet bill over the next few months. 3 And home broadband users with lower incomes are roughly 20 points more likely to say they often or sometimes experience problems with their connection than those with relatively high incomes. Still, 55% of those with lower incomes say the internet has been essential to them personally in the pandemic.
At the same time, Americans’ levels of formal education are associated with their experiences turning to tech during the pandemic.
Those with a bachelor’s or advanced degree are about twice as likely as those with a high school diploma or less formal education to have used tech in new or different ways during the pandemic. There is also roughly a 20 percentage point gap between these two groups in the shares who have made video calls about once a day or more often and who say these calls have helped at least a little to stay connected with family and friends. And 71% of those with a bachelor’s degree or more education say the internet has been essential, compared with 45% of those with a high school diploma or less.
More broadly, not all Americans believe they have key tech skills. In this survey, about a quarter of adults (26%) say they usually need someone else’s help to set up or show them how to use a new computer, smartphone or other electronic device. And one-in-ten report they have little to no confidence in their ability to use these types of devices to do the things they need to do online. This report refers to those who say they experience either or both of these issues as having “lower tech readiness.” Some 30% of adults fall in this category. (A full description of how this group was identified can be found in Chapter 3. )
These struggles are particularly acute for older adults, some of whom have had to learn new tech skills over the course of the pandemic. Roughly two-thirds of adults 75 and older fall into the group having lower tech readiness – that is, they either have little or no confidence in their ability to use their devices, or generally need help setting up and learning how to use new devices. Some 54% of Americans ages 65 to 74 are also in this group.
Americans with lower tech readiness have had different experiences with technology during the pandemic. While 82% of the Americans with lower tech readiness say the internet has been at least important to them personally during the pandemic, they are less likely than those with higher tech readiness to say the internet has been essential (39% vs. 66%). Some 21% of those with lower tech readiness say digital interactions haven’t been of much use in standing in for in-person contact, compared with 12% of those with higher tech readiness.
As school moved online for many families, parents and their children experienced profound changes. Fully 93% of parents with K-12 children at home say these children had some online instruction during the pandemic. Among these parents, 62% report that online learning has gone very or somewhat well, and 70% say it has been very or somewhat easy for them to help their children use technology for online instruction.
Still, 30% of the parents whose children have had online instruction during the pandemic say it has been very or somewhat difficult for them to help their children use technology or the internet for this.
The survey also shows that children from households with lower incomes who faced school closures in the pandemic have been especially likely to encounter tech-related obstacles in completing their schoolwork – a phenomenon contributing to the “ homework gap .”
Overall, about a third (34%) of all parents whose children’s schools closed at some point say their children have encountered at least one of the tech-related issues we asked about amid COVID-19: having to do schoolwork on a cellphone, being unable to complete schoolwork because of lack of computer access at home, or having to use public Wi-Fi to finish schoolwork because there was no reliable connection at home.
This share is higher among parents with lower incomes whose children’s schools closed. Nearly half (46%) say their children have faced at least one of these issues. Some with higher incomes were affected as well – about three-in-ten (31%) of these parents with midrange incomes say their children faced one or more of these issues, as do about one-in-five of these parents with higher household incomes.
Prior Center work has documented this “ homework gap ” in other contexts – both before the coronavirus outbreak and near the beginning of the pandemic . In April 2020, for example, parents with lower incomes were particularly likely to think their children would face these struggles amid the outbreak.
Besides issues related to remote schooling, other changes were afoot in families as the pandemic forced many families to shelter in place. For instance, parents’ estimates of their children’s screen time – and family rules around this – changed in some homes. About seven-in-ten parents with children in kindergarten through 12th grade (72%) say their children were spending more time on screens as of the April survey compared with before the outbreak. Some 39% of parents with school-age children say they have become less strict about screen time rules during the outbreak. About one-in-five (18%) say they have become more strict, while 43% have kept screen time rules about the same.
Americans’ tech struggles related to digital divides gained attention from policymakers and news organizations as the pandemic progressed.
On some policy issues, public attitudes changed over the course of the outbreak – for example, views on what K-12 schools should provide to students shifted. Some 49% now say K-12 schools have a responsibility to provide all students with laptop or tablet computers in order to help them complete their schoolwork during the pandemic, up 12 percentage points from a year ago.
The shares of those who say so have increased for both major political parties over the past year: This view shifted 15 points for Republicans and those who lean toward the GOP, and there was a 9-point increase for Democrats and Democratic leaners.
However, when it comes to views of policy solutions for internet access more generally, not much has changed. Some 37% of Americans say that the government has a responsibility to ensure all Americans have high-speed internet access during the outbreak, and the overall share is unchanged from April 2020 – the first time Americans were asked this specific question about the government’s pandemic responsibility to provide internet access. 4
Democrats are more likely than Republicans to say the government has this responsibility, and within the Republican Party, those with lower incomes are more likely to say this than their counterparts earning more money.
Americans’ own words provide insight into exactly how their lives changed amid COVID-19. When asked to describe the new or different ways they had used technology, some Americans mention video calls and conferencing facilitating a variety of virtual interactions – including attending events like weddings, family holidays and funerals or transforming where and how they worked. 5 From family calls, shopping for groceries and placing takeout orders online to having telehealth visits with medical professionals or participating in online learning activities, some aspects of life have been virtually transformed:
“I’ve gone from not even knowing remote programs like Zoom even existed, to using them nearly every day.” – Man, 54
“[I’ve been] h andling … deaths of family and friends remotely, attending and sharing classical music concerts and recitals with other professionals, viewing [my] own church services and Bible classes, shopping. … Basically, [the internet has been] a lifeline.” – Woman, 69
“I … use Zoom for church youth activities. [I] use Zoom for meetings. I order groceries and takeout food online. We arranged for a ‘digital reception’ for my daughter’s wedding as well as live streaming the event.” – Woman, 44
When asked about video calls specifically, half of Americans report they have talked with others in this way at least once a week since the beginning of the outbreak; one-in-five have used these platforms daily. But how often people have experienced this type of digital connectedness varies by age. For example, about a quarter of adults ages 18 to 49 (27%) say they have connected with others on video calls about once a day or more often, compared with 16% of those 50 to 64 and just 7% of those 65 and older.
Even as video technology became a part of life for users, many accounts of burnout surfaced and some speculated that “Zoom fatigue” was setting in as Americans grew weary of this type of screen time. The survey finds that some 40% of those who participated in video calls since the beginning of the pandemic – a third of all Americans – say they feel worn out or fatigued often or sometimes from the time they spend on video calls. About three-quarters of those who have been on these calls several times a day in the pandemic say this.
Fatigue is not limited to frequent users, however: For example, about a third (34%) of those who have made video calls about once a week say they feel worn out at least sometimes.
These are among the main findings from the survey. Other key results include:
Some Americans’ personal lives and social relationships have changed during the pandemic: Some 36% of Americans say their own personal lives changed in a major way as a result of the coronavirus outbreak. Another 47% say their personal lives changed, but only a little bit. About half (52%) of those who say major change has occurred in their personal lives due to the pandemic also say they have used tech in new ways, compared with about four-in-ten (38%) of those whose personal lives changed a little bit and roughly one-in-five (19%) of those who say their personal lives stayed about the same.
Even as tech helped some to stay connected, a quarter of Americans say they feel less close to close family members now compared with before the pandemic, and about four-in-ten (38%) say the same about friends they know well. Roughly half (53%) say this about casual acquaintances.
The majority of those who tried to sign up for vaccine appointments in the first part of the year went online to do so: Despite early problems with vaccine rollout and online registration systems , in the April survey tech problems did not appear to be major struggles for most adults who had tried to sign up online for COVID-19 vaccines. The survey explored Americans’ experiences getting these vaccine appointments and reveals that in April 57% of adults had tried to sign themselves up and 25% had tried to sign someone else up. Fully 78% of those who tried to sign themselves up and 87% of those who tried to sign others up were online registrants.
When it comes to difficulties with the online vaccine signup process, 29% of those who had tried to sign up online – 13% of all Americans – say it was very or somewhat difficult to sign themselves up for vaccines at that time. Among five reasons for this that the survey asked about, the most common major reason was lack of available appointments, rather than tech-related problems. Adults 65 and older who tried to sign themselves up for the vaccine online were the most likely age group to experience at least some difficulty when they tried to get a vaccine appointment.
Tech struggles and usefulness alike vary by race and ethnicity. Americans’ experiences also have varied across racial and ethnic groups. For example, Black Americans are more likely than White or Hispanic adults to meet the criteria for having “lower tech readiness.” 6 Among broadband users, Black and Hispanic adults were also more likely than White adults to be worried about paying their bills for their high-speed internet access at home as of April, though the share of Hispanic Americans who say this declined sharply since April 2020. And a majority of Black and Hispanic broadband users say they at least sometimes have experienced problems with their internet connection.
Still, Black adults and Hispanic adults are more likely than White adults to say various technologies – text messages, voice calls, video calls, social media sites and email – have helped them a lot to stay connected with family and friends amid the pandemic.
Tech has helped some adults under 30 to connect with friends, but tech fatigue also set in for some. Only about one-in-five adults ages 18 to 29 say they feel closer to friends they know well compared with before the pandemic. This share is twice as high as that among adults 50 and older. Adults under 30 are also more likely than any other age group to say social media sites have helped a lot in staying connected with family and friends (30% say so), and about four-in-ten of those ages 18 to 29 say this about video calls.
Screen time affected some negatively, however. About six-in-ten adults under 30 (57%) who have ever made video calls in the pandemic say they at least sometimes feel worn out or fatigued from spending time on video calls, and about half (49%) of young adults say they have tried to cut back on time spent on the internet or their smartphone.
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