essay about the person who was interviewed about bantu education

Bantu Education in South Africa Essay

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Introduction

Views of structural functionalists on education, neo-marxist perspective on education, nature of bantu education, criticism of bantu education, works cited.

Education is an important aspect of development in any society. It contributes towards societal development by preparing learners with the relevant skills, values and attitudes they require to take occupational roles in their future lives. This implies that educational systems play a vital role in determining the well-being of a country.

For many years, South Africa was exposed to discriminatory actions resulting from the apartheid system. This was extended to the education sector through the introduction of the Bantu Education. This Essay focuses on the nature of the Bantu education system and its shortcomings in the eyes of structural functionalists and neo-Marxist sociologists.

There are different structural-functionalist approaches used in the study of sociology of education. However, the most important ones are derived from the works of famous sociologists Durkheim and Parsons. Until the late 1960s and early 1970s, sociological thinking on matters of education was dominated by structural functionalism. Functionalist sociologists of education look at how education contributes towards the well-being of the society.

The provision of social solidarity and value consensus is the strongest of the functional contributions that education makes to the society. Education as socialization is associated with transmission of culture, values and norms that enable people to stick together and facilitate social life in highly traditional social communities. Similarly, the modern education system is supposed to hold modern societies together.

This thinking is founded on the need to deal with the characteristics associated with the transition from simple traditional to complex and modern societies. Complex modern societies involve a change from a homogeneous life based on rural kinship into concentrated but heterogeneous populations in societies which live in urban areas and characterised by differentiated division of labor.

Mass education is a tool that can be used in such societies to instill proper rules and curricula in children that bind them and the new form of society together. This makes it possible for non-kinship -based, consensual and cooperative lives to be established. This was the argument of sociologist Durkheim (Martin 6).

After the establishment of industrial capitalist society, Parson advanced an argument that the function of education was to create a bridge between the primary socialization that took place at home and adult life preparation. He focused on the role of the school in equipping children with universalistic values as opposed to the particularistic ones obtained from the family.

Particularistic roles are the ascribed ones such as the role and status of an individual, such as his/her place in the family. Universalistic roles on the other hand emphasize the teachings that on the basis of birth, nobody is better than the other. According to structural functionalists, education is the basis of modern society where it socializes children and equips them with the necessary skills for adult life and to function in a modern society marked by universalistic values.

They also believe that education plays an important role in modernizing the society as opposed to mere transition from simple to modern. In addition, the role of education in helping the society adapt to changes in the broader environment such as the competitive advantage cannot be underestimated.

There are numerous neo-Marxist approaches to education but the most influential ones are those of Bowles and Gintis who argue that the education system leads to the production of a capitalist society. According to them, the purpose of education in a capitalist society is to reproduce capitalist relations of production meaning profit, capitalist power and capitalist control of power. They believe in a correspondence principle which explains how the school corresponds with work that serves this purpose.

Its function is to reproduce labor in the sense that it provides enough quantities of the different labor types capitalists need. In addition, it reproduces the right type of the labor required by capitalists since it dampens the desire towards class struggle and instead isolates pupils into the highly class-stratified roles they will occupy in the job market once they leave school. Ideally, the purpose of the school is to isolate and integrate pupils into the capitalist society (Blackledge and Hunt 136).

Neo-Marxists argue that for both capitalist and working class children, schools take over from families and socialize the child into the primary societal values, norms, roles and attitudes. The correspondence they talk of between the school and workplace is meant to prepare pupils to assume occupational roles. Schools are organised in a hierarchy and run along authoritarian lines. Learning is also extrinsically motivated rather than being intrinsically motivated.

These characteristics of schools the neo-Marxists argue that are replicated in the workplace where the workers follow the orders given by their bosses without questioning. There motivation is only an extrinsic one in the form of the wages they get.

While formal curriculum is mandated with the task of giving pupils the basic literacy and numeracy they require in their future jobs, the correspondence between school and work is a form of hidden curriculum that prepares them to politically and ideologically embrace life in a capitalist society.

They are prepared to be obedient, docile, passive and loyal to authorities and hierarchy. According to the neo-Marxists, the bottom line is that only a revolutionary transformation of the capitalist mode of production as a whole can lead to a transformed education system.

After the national party came into power in 1948, the neglect and limitation that had characterised native education from 1910 paved the way for strict state control for black education. This control marked the disappearance of the mission school system which was faced by many challenges despite the fact that it was an important educational institution.

The national party government was committed to eliminate the tolerant laissez-faire perceptions towards black education. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 made it possible for the enactment of legislation that was aimed at promoting Christian National Education separate development.

Bantu Education in South Africa was intended at providing the ruling elites with a cheap and submissive labor. In addition, it aimed at resolving the urban crisis that had developed in the 1940s and 1950s due to industrialisation and rapid urbanisation. This was caused by the collapsing homeland agriculture and the expansion of secondary industrialisation after the Second World War. Transport, housing and wages were not enough for the increasing number of working class people who lived in towns.

The response to the breakdown of these services and poor conditions was squatter movements and the formation of trade unions. Radical oppositions to political activities became the norm, accompanied by the leadership of the African National Congress. The increasing levels of poverty became a threat to the physical productivity of the white elites. Social stability in the 1940s was either obstructed by the presence of education or lack of it (Hyslop 80).

Educationalists attributed the increase in crime rates and the defiant nature of youths to the lack of enough schools. They were afraid that political mobilisation was going to be on the increase. Bantu education was therefore ideally aimed at exercising social control over youth and especially those who were working. In addition, there was the need to socialize them in relation to the norms that were regarded as appropriate by the ruling elites alongside producing properly trained and trainable labor.

The uniqueness of Bantu Education was in its adherence to non-egalitarian and racist education. Intellectually, it was believed that such a system of education was important in spreading the idea that the mentality of a native made him suited for repetitive tasks. Such ideas were important in producing a mass education system that was characterised by constrained spending. Although Bantu Education was regarded as a racist-based cheap education, ironically, Africans were responsible for the costs.

They suffered additional taxation in order to fund the cost of African education. The contribution of the state was an annual grant that originated from the general revenue. Taxes raised were used in supplementing the grant where a small percentage was used to develop Bantu Education. The government policy of financing Bantu Education and the increase in the number of students affected the quality due to the worsening of the pupil-teacher ratio.

During the early years of Bantu Education, a lot of effort was made to use the wages earned by Africans as the basis of funding the education instead of taxing employers. Although the national party was not willing to endorse adequate academic training and skills training, the education served the interests and needs of the industry hence there was no ill relationship between capital and the state.

Anybody was in a position to tell that the educational policies of the government were intended at ensuring that black people secured very few opportunities with regard to employment. They were only prepared to render ready unskilled or skilled labor. This was the relationship between the Bantu Education and the industry (Ballantine 55).

Later in the 1950s, Bantu Education was compatible with the significant expansion of the capitalist economy. However, in the 1960s, the educational policies of the state brought about friction between the government and the industry.

The state used force to give its organisational and ideological interests the first over more particular interests of business and the industry. Under the guise of concentrating growth of secondary, technical and tertiary education in the homelands, the government succeeded in using the urban school system as a tool of influx control. Education was used to propagate apartheid policy.

The purpose of any educational system is to equip pupils with relevant knowledge that prepares them for future occupational roles and transforms the society as a whole. However, the Bantu Education that was practiced in South Africa was a faulty education system that could not transform the society.

In the eyes of structural functionalists and neo-Marxist sociologists, it was detrimental to the social and economic development of the country. The main focus of structural functionalists is to look at how education contributes towards the well-being of the society. It plays an important role since it forms the basis of modern society by equipping learners with relevant skills that prepare them for adult life.

However, according to structural functionalists Bantu Education was devoid of this important function of education. It was racist in nature and could not bring the society together. It was inspired by apartheid and instead of preparing the learners for a cohesive society, it led to more divisions. The system was aimed at ensuring that the black people did not get jobs that were regarded as white men’s. In this structural functionalist perspective, the education system was detrimental to the social and economic development of South Africa.

In the eyes of neo-Marxist sociologists, Bantu Education was still harmful to the social and economic development of South Africa. Education to them is supposed to equip the learners with the right attitudes, values and norms that allow them to thrive in a capitalist society.

However, Bantu Education was only interested in giving learners skills that could not allow them to thrive in a capitalist society. For instance, the skills that were being passed to them could only allow them to be used in the provision of cheap unskilled or semi-skilled labor.

Neo-Marxists also believe that education is supposed to equip learners with the right skills to provide various labor types required by capitalists. On the contrary, Bantu Education provided learners with skills that could only be applied in limited areas. It was even a disadvantage to the capitalists since they could not get skilled labor whenever they required it. The education system was therefore detrimental to the social and economic development of South Africa.

Education plays an important role in preparing children for their future occupational roles by equipping them with the right values, norms and attitudes. This enables them to make positive contributions in the society. Although structural functionalists and neo-Marxists hold some differing views on the purpose of education, they both share a common belief that education plays an important role in transforming the society.

However, the Bantu Education in South Africa was discriminatory in nature and prevented societal development. According to the two groups of sociologists, it was detrimental towards the social and economic development of South Africa.

Ballantine, Jeanne. The sociology of education: A systematic analysis, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1993.Print.

Blackledge, David and Barry Hunt. Sociological interpretations of education, London: Routledge, 1985.Print.

Hyslop, Jonathan. The classroom struggle: policy and resistance in South Africa,1940-1990, Pietermaritzburg: University of Natal Press, 1999.Print.

Martin, Ruhr. The Sociology of Education, Pretoria: University of South Africa, 2006.Print.

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Bantu Education Act

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• South African History Online - Bantu education and the racist compartmentalizing of education
• South Africa - Overcoming Apartheid Building Democracy - Bantu Education
• Academia - To What extent did the Bantu Education Act change the system of Black Education in South Africa?
• Swarthmore College - Global Nonviolent Action Database - Black South Africans boycott Bantu education system, 1954-1955
• St. John Fisher University - Fisher Digital Publications - Bantu Education

Bantu Education Act , South African law , enacted in 1953 and in effect from January 1, 1954, that governed the education of Black South African (called Bantu by the country’s government) children. It was part of the government’s system of apartheid , which sanctioned racial segregation and discrimination against nonwhites in the country.

From about the 1930s the vast majority of schools serving Black students in South Africa were run by missions and often operated with state aid. Most children, however, did not attend these schools. In 1949 the government appointed a commission, headed by anthropologist W.W.M. Eiselen, to study and make recommendations for the education of native South Africans. The Eiselen Commission Report (1951) urged the government to take charge of education for Black South Africans in order to make it part of a general socioeconomic plan for the country. In addition, the report stated that the schooling should be tailored toward the needs and values of the cultures of the communities in which the schools were located. The prescriptions of the commission were generally followed by the Bantu Education Act.

Under the act, the Department of Native Affairs, headed by Hendrik Verwoerd , was made responsible for the education of Black South Africans; in 1958 the Department of Bantu Education was established. The act required Black children to attend the government schools. Teaching was to take place in the students’ native tongue, though the syllabus included classes in English and Afrikaans . Instruction was mandated in needlework (for girls), handcraft, planting, and soil conservation as well as in arithmetic , social studies, and Christian religion. The education was aimed at training the children for the manual labour and menial jobs that the government deemed suitable for those of their race, and it was explicitly intended to inculcate the idea that Black people were to accept being subservient to white South Africans. Funding for the schools was to come from taxes paid by the communities that they served, so Black schools received only a small fraction of the amount of money that was available to their white counterparts. As a result, there was a profound shortage of qualified teachers, and teacher-student ratios ranged from 40–1 to 60–1. An attempt by activists to establish alternative schools (called cultural clubs because such schools were illegal under the education act) that would give children a better education had collapsed by the end of the 1950s.

High schools were initially concentrated in the Bantustans , reserves that the government intended as homelands for Black South Africans. However, during the 1970s the need for better-trained Black workers resulted in the opening of high schools in Soweto , outside Johannesburg . Nonwhite students were barred from attending open universities by the Extension of University Education Act (1959). The Bantu Education Act was replaced by the Education and Training Act of 1979. Mandatory segregation in education ended with the passage of the South African Schools Act in 1996, but decades of substandard education and barriers to entrance to historically white schools had left the majority of Black South Africans far behind in educational achievement by the beginning of the 21st century.

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The Bantu Education Act: an Injustice to South African Education

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25 Questions and Answers Based on Bantu Education Act

Understanding the Bantu Education Act: 15 Questions and Answers for Grade 12 Learners

The Bantu Education Act of 1953 was one of apartheid South Africa’s most significant and detrimental legislative acts. Designed to limit the educational opportunities and achievements of the country’s Black majority, it had lasting effects on generations of South Africans.

For Grade 10 – 12 learners examining this dark chapter in history, here’s a Q&A primer:

• What was the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The Bantu Education Act (No. 47 of 1953) was a South African law that aimed to ensure the separation of educational facilities and opportunities between races, with particular focus on limiting educational opportunities for Black South Africans.
• Who introduced the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The act was introduced by the apartheid government, under the leadership of Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd, who was then the Minister of Native Affairs.
• What was the main aim of the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The primary aim was to prevent Black South Africans from receiving an education that would lead them to aspire to positions they wouldn’t be allowed to hold in society, thereby entrenching their position as laborers.
• How did the act change the education system for Black learners? Answer: It transferred control of African education from provincial administration to the Department of Native Affairs, effectively reducing the quality and access to education for Black students.
• Were mission schools affected by this act? Answer: Yes, mission schools (run by churches) lost state aid and were handed over to the government, stripping them of their autonomy.
• How did the curriculum for Black students change under this act? Answer: The curriculum was tailored to direct Black students into manual labor roles, focusing less on academic achievement and critical thinking.
• What was the medium of instruction in schools under this act? Answer: The medium of instruction in primary schools was the student’s home language. From the age of 10 onward, however, it was mandatory for schools to use Afrikaans and English equally.
• Did the act have any financial implications for Black education? Answer: Yes, the act reduced the funding available for Black education, leading to poor facilities, overcrowded classrooms, and underpaid teachers.
• What was the effect of the act on teachers? Answer: Many qualified Black teachers lost their jobs as the education system deteriorated. Moreover, the teachers were given inadequate training and were required to teach a curriculum they didn’t believe in.
• Were there protests against the Bantu Education Act? Answer: Yes, the act faced significant opposition. The most notable protest was the Soweto Uprising in 1976, where students protested against the mandatory use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction.
• What were the long-term implications of the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The act entrenched educational inequalities, leading to generations of Black South Africans being systematically undereducated, limiting their opportunities and economic mobility.
• Was the act ever repealed? Answer: Yes, with the end of apartheid, the act was repealed. However, the effects of the act continued to be felt for many years thereafter.
• Why is understanding the Bantu Education Act important for today’s generation? Answer: It offers insight into the roots of educational disparities in South Africa and underscores the importance of equitable access to quality education.
• How did the international community view the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The act, like many apartheid policies, was widely condemned internationally. It was seen as a blatant violation of human rights and equality.
• Did the act only affect Black South Africans? Answer: While primarily targeting Black South Africans, the act also indirectly affected Coloureds and Indians by creating an overall hierarchy of education, where White education was superior, and others were inferior.
• What was Dr. Hendrik Verwoerd’s infamous statement regarding Black education? Answer: Dr. Verwoerd, known as the architect of Bantu Education, famously stated, “There is no place for [the Bantu] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labor.”
• How were universities affected by this act? Answer: The act extended to tertiary education. The Extension of University Education Act of 1959 prohibited non-white students from attending most universities, leading to the creation of separate institutions for different racial groups.
• Was the quality of education the same for White and Black students? Answer: No, white students enjoyed a better quality of education with more resources, better facilities, and a broader curriculum. In contrast, Black students received a substandard education designed to prepare them for menial jobs.
• How did the government justify the Bantu Education Act? Answer: The apartheid government claimed that the act would provide education suited to the “culture” of Black South Africans. However, in reality, it aimed to keep Black South Africans subservient to white authority.
• How was the content in textbooks altered under this act? Answer: Textbooks were revised to fit the narrative of Black inferiority and white supremacy. Historical and cultural achievements of Black South Africans were either downplayed or omitted.
• Did the Bantu Education Act affect the dropout rates? Answer: Yes, the poor quality of education and lack of resources led to higher dropout rates among Black students, further limiting their opportunities in life.
• What role did the churches play in opposing the act? Answer: Many church groups, particularly those running mission schools, opposed the act. They believed in the value of education and its power to uplift communities. Despite losing state aid, some continued their educational missions with reduced resources.
• Did the act lead to any international sanctions? Answer: While the Bantu Education Act itself didn’t directly result in sanctions, it was a contributing factor in the international community’s broader criticism and subsequent sanctions against the apartheid regime.
• How did the act impact post-apartheid South Africa’s education system? Answer: The legacy of the Bantu Education Act is still felt today. The vast disparities created by the act left the post-apartheid government with significant challenges in leveling the educational playing field.
• What is the significance of understanding this act in the context of global civil rights movements? Answer: The Bantu Education Act, like Jim Crow laws in the U.S. or other discriminatory practices globally, showcases how systemic racism can be deeply entrenched in national policies. Studying it alongside global civil rights movements provides a holistic understanding of the fight for equality worldwide.

The Bantu Education Act was not just an isolated policy of apartheid South Africa but a manifestation of deeply-rooted racial prejudices. By delving deeper into this topic, Grade 12 learners can better appreciate the complexities of history and the intertwined relationship between education and social justice

FAQs from Past Exam Papers on the Bantu Education Act

Why the bantu education act is interesting or important to know about today.

The Bantu Education Act is important to know about today because it institutionalized racial segregation in education , deliberately designed to limit the educational opportunities of Black South Africans and maintain white supremacy . Understanding this act helps to grasp the historical roots of educational inequality in South Africa and its long-lasting impacts on society.

What are the two biggest problems with the Bantu Education Act?

The two biggest problems with the Bantu Education Act were:

• Inferior Quality of Education : The curriculum was designed to provide only the basic skills needed for manual labor, perpetuating economic disparities.
• Racial Segregation : It enforced a separate and unequal education system that reinforced apartheid policies and limited social mobility for Black South Africans.

What changed with the Bantu Education Act being put in place and implemented?

With the implementation of the Bantu Education Act , the government took control of Black education from the mission schools, significantly reducing funding and resources for Black schools. The curriculum was tailored to prepare Black students only for subservient roles in society, entrenching racial inequality .

What attitudes did people have to the Law Bantu Education Act?

The Bantu Education Act was met with widespread opposition and resentment. Many Black South Africans, along with anti-apartheid activists, viewed the law as a deliberate attempt to entrench racial discrimination and limit their opportunities. Protests, boycotts, and strikes were common responses to this oppressive law.

How did Bantu education affect people’s lives?

Bantu education limited the educational and economic opportunities of Black South Africans, reinforcing poverty and inequality. It stunted intellectual growth and development, creating a legacy of underdevelopment and socio-economic disparity that continues to affect South Africa today.

What was the aim of Bantu education?

The aim of Bantu education was to provide an inferior education that prepared Black South Africans for a life of manual labor and servitude, ensuring they remained subservient to the white population and sustaining the apartheid system.

How did the Bantu education Act promote apartheid?

The Bantu Education Act promoted apartheid by legally entrenching racial segregation in education, ensuring that Black South Africans received a vastly inferior education compared to their white counterparts. This reinforced the socio-economic divide and maintained white dominance.

When and why was the Bantu Education Act implemented in South Africa?

The Bantu Education Act was implemented in 1953 to centralize control over the education of Black South Africans under the apartheid government. Its purpose was to ensure that education reinforced the broader goals of apartheid by limiting the opportunities available to Black individuals.

How did photographers react to Bantu education act?

Photographers played a crucial role in documenting the effects of the Bantu Education Act , capturing images that highlighted the disparities and struggles faced by Black students. These photographs were used to raise awareness and galvanize opposition to apartheid policies both locally and internationally.

What powers did Bantu Education Act law give the government?

The Bantu Education Act gave the government the power to control the content and administration of Black education, including curriculum design, teacher appointments, and funding. This ensured that the education system served the apartheid agenda.

What do you think the long-term effects of the Bantu Education Act were regarding education?

The long-term effects of the Bantu Education Act regarding education include deep-seated educational disparities , with many Black South Africans receiving poor-quality education that hindered their socio-economic advancement. The act’s legacy continues to affect the education system, contributing to ongoing challenges in achieving equal educational opportunities and outcomes.

Interviewing Someone Who Was Affected by Bantu Education Act: Guide

How to Interview Someone Affected by Bantu Education: A Comprehensive Guide with Sample Questions and Scenario.

Interviewing individuals affected by the Bantu Education syste m can provide valuable insights into the social, psychological, and economic repercussions of this policy. This form of education was part of South Africa’s apartheid system, designed to limit educational opportunities for Black South Africans. Conducting such interviews with sensitivity and depth is essential to understand the nuanced experiences of those who lived through it. Below are ten sample questions that can guide an interviewer, followed by a fictional interview scenario.

Interviewing Someone Who Was Affected by Bantu Education: Guide

When interviewing someone who was affected by the Bantu Education system, it’s crucial to approach the conversation with sensitivity and a thorough understanding of the historical and emotional implications of the subject. Your goal should be to create a comfortable atmosphere where the interviewee can openly share their personal experiences and insights. Start by researching the Bantu Education system and its effects so you are well-informed and can ask relevant questions. Use open-ended questions to encourage in-depth responses and allow the person to elaborate on their experiences. For example, you might ask, “Can you describe how the Bantu Education system impacted your career opportunities?” or “What long-term societal impacts do you think the system has had?” Always remain respectful and avoid interrupting the interviewee. Finally, be prepared for emotional responses and provide the interviewee the space to express themselves fully.

10 Sample Interview Question about bantu education act

• Can you please start by telling me a little about your early educational experience under the Bantu Education system?
• How do you feel the Bantu Education system affected your career opportunities?
• Were there particular subjects or educational material that you felt were conspicuously absent from your schooling?
• How did the Bantu Education policy impact your self-esteem and self-worth?
• Can you share any experiences of resistance or subversion within the educational system?
• How did the Bantu Education system affect your social interactions and friendships?
• Were there any educators who made a positive impact despite the system’s limitations?
• How did your family react to the educational constraints placed upon you?
• What do you think the long-term societal impacts of Bantu Education have been?
• If you could change one thing about your educational experience, what would it be?

Interview Scenario with Fake Names for Guiding Purposes.

Interviewer: Good afternoon, Mr. Zwane. Thank you for agreeing to speak with me today.

Mr. Zwane: My pleasure.

Interviewer: Let’s start with your early educational experiences. Can you tell me a little about how the Bantu Education system affected you?

Mr. Zwane: Oh, it had a profound impact. The curriculum was so watered-down that it hardly prepared us for any advanced study or professional work.

Interviewer: How did this limitation affect your career opportunities?

Mr. Zwane: I wanted to be an engineer, but the subjects we were taught hardly scratched the surface of what was needed for a career in engineering.

Interviewer: Were there any subjects or educational materials that you felt were conspicuously absent?

Mr. Zwane: Absolutely. Subjects like advanced mathematics, science, and even history were either lacking or presented in a way that diminished our cultural background.

Interviewer: How did this system impact your self-esteem?

Mr. Zwane: It was designed to make us feel inferior, and it succeeded in many ways. However, my parents always reminded me of the value of self-worth.

Interviewer: Any experiences of resistance within the system?

Mr. Zwane: Yes, some of my teachers would secretly teach us topics that were not part of the official curriculum.

Interviewer: How did Bantu Education affect your social interactions?

Mr. Zwane: It created divisions. We were taught to occupy certain social and economic spaces and that limited our interactions.

Interviewer: Were there any educators who made a positive impact?

Mr. Zwane: Yes, Mrs. Smith, my English teacher, always encouraged us to read widely and think critically, despite the limitations of the system.

Interviewer: How did your family react?

Mr. Zwane: They were disappointed but also very supportive. They tried to supplement my education at home.

Interviewer: What do you think the long-term societal impacts have been?

Mr. Zwane: The system has had a lingering impact on employment, social mobility, and even the psyche of those who went through it.

Interviewer: If you could change one thing about your education, what would it be?

Mr. Zwane: I would change the entire system to make it more inclusive and geared toward genuine education rather than subjugation.

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Analyzing Apartheid through the Bantu Education Act: Insights and Impact

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Question: Key Question: How did apartheid affect people’s lives and how did they respond? The project consists of two parts: • A written research task on one apartheid law • An oral history task in which you interview a person. Written research 1. Decide which apartheid law you are going to research [for example: Bantu Education Act; 2. Make use of reliable internet sites/books to research your law. 3. Write down the details of where you found your information for your bibliography. Research Essay: Introduction: State which law you have researched and the reason why you chose this issue. Body of evidence: a) When was the law passed or implemented? Why was the law passed? b) What changed were put in place after the law was implemented? c) What attitudes did people have towards the law? Conclusion: Why do you think this law or issue is interesting or important to know about today? Write a bibliography: 1) Title of Article: ____________________________________________________ Title of Website:___________________________________________________ Author: ________________________________________ Date of Publication: ________________________________________________ Date Accessed: ________________________________________ Publisher: _______________________________________ Page Numbers Used (If applicable): __________________ 2) Title of Article: ____________________________________________________ Title of Website:___________________________________________________ Author: ________________________________________ Date of Publication: ________________________________________________ Date Accessed: ________________________________________ Publisher: _______________________________________ Page Numbers Used (If applicable): __________________ Oral History Interview: Find out more about the law you researched from someone whose life was affected by it. Briefly explain why you chose this person. Ask the interviewee the following questions. Write down short answers. 1)When were you born? 2)Where did you grow up? 3) How did this law (e.g. Separate Amenities Act) affect you? 4) How did you respond to this law? 5) Why did you choose to respond in this manner? 6) How do you feel now that this law (Separate Amenities Act) in so longer a law in South Africa? Using the information, you gathered from your research and the interview, write an essay about the person who was interviewed. Focus on how he/she was affected by the law or issue and how he/she responded to it. Comment on your own reflections on the experience of doing the project. [What was interesting? How has it made you rethink your own views?] Your project will be marked according to this rubric: Level 7 Outstanding Level 6 Meritorious Level 5 Substantial Level 4 Adequate Level 3 Moderate Level 2 Elementary Level 1 Not Achieved Articulate, insightful, well expressed, accurate and appropriate content Well expressed, clear; accurate and appropriate content Good expression; clear; could have more content; good understanding Some errors in expression; some good content; but little understanding Errors in expression; could have more content; not much understanding Poor expression; content inadequate; No understanding of the issues; some areas incomplete Incomplete; no understanding shown; poor or inaccurate expression and content Research essay (20) 20-16 15-14 13-12 11-10 9-8 7-6 5-0 Bibliography (3) 3 2 1 0 Person chosen (3) 3 2 1 0 Essay about the person you interviewed (20) 20-16 15-14 13-12 11-10 9-8 7-6 5-0 Self -reflection (4) 4-3 2 1 0 Total: ______/50

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Sure, let's break down the process step-by-step to help you complete your project successfully: ### Research Essay #### Introduction: 1. **State the chosen law:** Example: "I have chosen to research the Bantu Education Act." 2. **Reason for choosing this law:** Example: "I chose this issue because it had a profound impact on the education of black South Africans and perpetuated systemic inequalities.” #### Body of Evidence: a) **When was the law passed or implemented? Why was the law passed?** Example: - The Bantu Education Act was passed in 1953. - The law was passed to enforce racially segregated educational facilities and to provide a different curriculum that was designed to train black children for lives as a laborer or servant. b) **What changes were put in place after the law was implemented?** Example: - African schools were brought under state control. - The curriculum was modified to limit the opportunities for black students to receive an education similar to that of white students. - Funding for black schools was dramatically reduced as compared to white schools. c) **What attitudes did people have towards the law?** Example: - The law was widely resented and opposed by the black community. - Many viewed it as a tool to enforce racial inferiority and deny black South Africans the opportunity to advance. - Protests and boycotts of schools were common acts of resistance. #### Conclusion: - Discuss the relevance of the law today and why it is important to know about it. Example: “Understanding the Bantu Education Act is critical today as it highlights the enduring impact of systemic racism in the education system and the long-term effects of apartheid policies on South African society.” #### Bibliography: Format: **1)** - Title of Article: "The Education of African Peoples in South Africa Revisited" - Title of Website: South African History Online - Author: History Team, South African History Online - Date of Publication: 2000 - Date Accessed: (Date you accessed it) - Publisher: South African History Online - Page Numbers Used (If applicable): N/A **2)** - Title of Article: "An Examination of the Bantu Education Act" - Title of Website: Apartheid Museum - Author: Apartheid Museum Staff - Date of Publication: 2018 - Date Accessed: (Date you accessed it) - Publisher: Apartheid Museum - Page Numbers Used (If applicable): N/A ### Oral History Interview: 1. **Choose an interviewee:** Example: You might choose a family member, family friend, teacher, or an acquaintance who lived during the apartheid era and can speak to their personal experience. 2. **Context for choosing the person:** Example: “I chose to interview Mr. John Doe because he was a student during the enforcement of the Bantu Education Act and experienced its effects firsthand.” #### Interview Questions and Short Answers: 1. **When were you born?** Example: "I was born in 1948." 2. **Where did you grow up?** Example: "I grew up in Soweto, South Africa." 3. **How did this law (e.g. Separate Amenities Act) affect you?** Example: "The Bantu Education Act significantly limited the quality of education I received, impacting my long-term career opportunities." 4. **How did you respond to this law?** Example: "I participated in student protests and boycotts organized to oppose the Act." 5. **Why did you choose to respond in this manner?** Example: "I felt it was the only way to fight against the unfair and oppressive educational system." 6. **How do you feel now that this law (Separate Amenities Act) is no longer a law in South Africa?** Example: "I am relieved and hopeful, but I believe there are still lasting effects that need to be addressed." ### Essay About the Person Interviewed: - Focus on the narrative of the interviewee, highlighting their experiences and responses to the Bantu Education Act: Example introduction: “Mr. John Doe, born in 1948, grew up in Soweto during the enforcement of the Bantu Education Act. His personal experiences shed light on the significant impact this legislation had on black South Africans’ education…” ### Self-Reflection: - Reflect on the research process and the interview experience. Example: “Conducting this project was eye-opening. I gained a deeper understanding of the systemic injustices of apartheid and the resilience of those who stood against it. It made me rethink the value of equitable education and the ongoing efforts needed to ensure equality.” ### Final Compilation: Ensure everything is well-organized and proofread. Follow the rubric closely to maximize your score, paying attention to expression, clarity, and the completeness of your content. Good luck with your project!

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Bantu Education in South Africa Essay

1. introduction.

During the twentieth century, the government of South Africa, led by the National Party, introduced a system of education for black South African students now widely known as Bantu Education. Bantu Education placed great emphasis on the segregation of students and the introduction of a curriculum that would result in the attainment of certain practical skills. The overall aim of this system was to fit black South Africans for their role in apartheid society. The apartheid effort to control all areas of life for black South Africans, including their forms of recreation, work, and education, can be seen as one of the most influential factors in the shaping of Bantu Education. The success of this system in enforcing the beliefs of the ruling white minority can be seen in the gradual development of the system as a separate entity of education designed specifically for black South African students. This is despite the fact that Bantu Education was formally created through the Bantu Education Act of 1953; it can be seen in the erection of the Act, an integral part of apartheid legislation, and the watershed of effective white hegemony's further reaching implications for the development of black South Africans in a white "civilised" society. The introduction section provides historical background information on Bantu Education, its aims and objectives, as well as its impact on the education system in South Africa. The implementation section discusses how Bantu Education resulted in separate and unequal education for different racial groups, curriculum restrictions, and a lack of resources and infrastructure in schools. The resistance and legacy section highlights the student protests and activism against Bantu Education, as well as the long-term effects it has had on education in South Africa. The section also discusses current challenges and efforts for reform in the education system to address the lasting impacts of Bantu Education.

1.1 Historical background

Leaders of the early British and Dutch settlers - who moved into South Africa in the 1600s - passed a variety of laws and policies to maintain control over the Black population and to ensure a steady supply of cheap African labour. One such law was the 1953 Bantu Education Act, which made it compulsory for Black children to be educated in accordance with the curriculum designed for their race. This was the beginning of more than three decades of government action to establish a system of Black education that would: (1) direct Black schooling away from political resistance and worker organisation; (2) provide low-cost labour for industry and farming; and (3) enable the White population to live in as much comfort as possible. This system of education became known as 'Bantu Education' from 1953 until 1976. Bantu Education placed the Black population in a position of inferiority and discrimination, and this legacy still lingers in the South African educational system today. Bantu Education has left its mark and still influences educational thinking in South Africa.

1.2 Aims and objectives of Bantu Education

The department's overall strategy was based on four initial assumptions. Firstly, black South Africans would accept as well as be content with a separate education system that offered low-quality education provided that it related to their place in society. However, this was only true if there was meaningful work for them, but given the oppression and overcrowding of reserves, employment was limited. Secondly, education through the medium of a black man's own culture and within the context of his own community would be in accordance with the policy of separate development. Here, the language policy of 1953 (the Tomlinson Report) is of relevance - encouraging black schools to use the student's own vernacular as the language of instruction until the fourth year of schooling when English could be introduced. Thirdly, slow development and the attainment of a lower standard and of aims lower than those contemplated for the European child in the school of the same type would result in the fact that the low economic and social position of the Bantu would be conserved. Lastly, the blacks should receive a different and not a similar education to that provided for white children. Such an education would depend upon a different type of school which is in some form or another adapted to the actual and potential needs of the Bantu race. Foreshadowing the implementation phase of the actual act, these assumptions were used to guide the content and the direction of Bantu education. The Minister of Native Affairs decided that the language of the Bantu be used in half the subjects in higher standards so as to ensure progress, but a Bantu language was to be the medium of instruction up to the end of the sixth year, junior certificate examination. Throughout the actual implementation of the act, the department continued to strive to efficiently achieve the objectives set out. However, it must be examined whether or not the aims and objectives of Bantu education were being realised by carrying out the electionist notion of separate development as proposed by the nationalist government of the time.

1.3 Impact on education system

In the mid-20th century, South African governments implemented Bantu Education, a policy designed to provide black South African people with education that would prepare them for lives in their own communities rather than any further education or a career in the wider, white-dominated society. The government had a committee of four people review what the aims and objectives of the Department of Native Education should be back in 1943. Hendrik Verwoerd, the future Prime Minister of South Africa, was one of these four people. When the committee produced its report, it proposed that black people should receive a different sort of education to white people. Black people would have their culture, and the skills they might need in their own communities, taught to them. After the report was produced, the segregation of black and white people in South Africa would continue to influence the direction of Bantu Education. The Bantu Education Act of 1953 worked towards creating an education system that was based on the policies set out by the committee of 1943. The Act changed South African education by providing a separate system of education for black South African students. It not only emphasised the teaching of practical skills to black students - to the exclusion of such subjects as maths, science, and also with limited facilities for sport or social clubs associated with schools - but also had the effect of making the transition to further education for black students far more difficult. In short, children were not taught in their mother tongue and as a result many students could not understand what was supposed to be taught. Also, the majority of qualified teachers left the black education service as many new appointments were based on political correctness rather than on whether the person was qualified or not. Finally, teachers were very badly paid by the Bantu Education Department. The effects of Bantu Education began to show in the early 60's. It contributed to political unrest and uprising such as the Sharpeville protest in 1960, and ultimately it prompted the government to declare a state of emergency. As mentioned earlier, the Act has taken away equal educational opportunities for black students and there was a significant drop in the standard of black education. Also, Bantu Education has persistently continued and it has been the basis of racism in the educational system. Nowadays, South Africa is still suffering from an unbalanced education programme and there has been a significant shortage of skilled people in trade and industry because of Bantu Education. The legacy of Bantu Education is also evident from the riot that broke out in Soweto in June 1976 when the government set out a decision that Afrikaans was to be used on an equal basis with English as a medium of instruction. The students refuted and were fired upon by the police which caused the deaths of a number of students and loss of house and ransack of shops. Japanese and Swedish industrial companies such as Hitachi and Volvo have reconsidered their involvement in South Africa because of the belief that the potential work force lacks the skills necessary for the industries.

2. Implementation of Bantu Education

The Bantu Education Act marked the beginning of a new era in South African education. This act changed the nature and direction of education in order to maintain and support the apartheid government's policy of separate development. In practice, the act resulted in the vast diversion of education finance from general black education to general white education. For example, in 1953, the budget grant for black education was £1 for each child, whereas the budget grant for white education was £19 for each white child. This unequal funding of education was further compounded by the introduction of an entirely different and unequal education system for blacks using the very limited existing resources. Also, the separation of administration and control of black education under the central government further weakened the standards of black education. By 1954, when Transkei became the first Territorial Authority, the teaching of Afrikaans as a compulsory subject from Sub A level was introduced. This further meant that African schools could offer their lessons only in Afrikaans and English to accommodate white and coloured teachers. The use of local or own languages was strictly restricted only for religious instruction. Also, the national education curriculum under Bantu Education was heavily influenced by the Christian National Education movement. As a result, black children were systematically removed from any direct experience of scientific or technological work, and the curriculum was confined to soft, easily accessible areas of learning in the humanities and social sciences. Because the black education system was developed within the broader framework of the apartheid system and was deliberately made inferior to the education of the whites.

2.1 Separate and unequal education

The Bantu Education Act of 1953 perfectly illustrated the inequalities in the education system in South Africa. It provided the Minister of Native Affairs to control African education and also provided a separate system of education for Africans. The other purpose of this Act was to provide that Black South Africans were not to receive an education that would lead them to aspire to positions they would not be allowed to hold in society. This is demonstrated clearly in the case of 'Stamford and Another v Minister of Education' whereby it is said that the purpose of the Act was that the education system would not created 'anti-apartheid and revolutionary changes'. Therefore, we could see that the 'main aim of the Bantu Education Act was to teach Black South Africans enough for them to be 'helpers', to do manual labour, and not to be 'educated'. Such education should also restrict Africans to make it impossible for them to 'receive the same education, to mix on the same level, or to meet, or to work together, with Europeans' and also not to allow the majority of Black South Africans to receive an education that would give them the opportunity to develop along the lines of being future members of the governing body. This then created the inequalities in the education system because Whites were given an extensive syllabus: many subjects were being taught and that education would ultimately lead to a White pupil having a choice of entering tertiary institutions. In 'Ex parte' it is said that Africans were only allowed to 'occupy a position in society to which requires an education'. This position was interpreted to mean that Africans should be taught to the extent that they would be able to work and know what they were doing but they should not be given an education where it would young people to seek advancement in life, which would only be possible by receiving a European type of education. In conclusion, the inequalities in the education system were well represented by Bantu Education Act. The fact that Black South Africans were not to receive an education that would lead them to aspire to positions they would not be allowed to hold in society showed how unequal the system was in South Africa. Furthermore, the unjust nature of the Act has been recognized also by the court and thus it is clear that the implementation of the Act was not in the best interest of South Africans, no matter what race they were.

2.2 Curriculum restrictions

The idea of Bantu Education was that it was to be based on the apartheid Department of Native Affairs and that it was for Africans. At some schools, pupils were not taught Mathematics; instead, they were taught something called "Bantu Mathematics," which had no equivalent in white schools. This subject was an insult to the intelligence of African pupils. The subjects that were taught at Bantu schools were aimed at preparing the pupils for the type of work or labor that they may have to do in their future lives. For example, boys learned skills like ploughing, looking after cattle, and milking cows, while girls learned how to wash, cook, and look after children. This type of education did not necessarily mean that pupils were taught these subjects well, but education authorities believed that what was most needed was to keep it in line with "tribal custom" and "to make it practical and suited to the daily life and future needs of the African in his particular area" - in other words, life, exactly what the apartheid government wanted.

2.3 Lack of resources and infrastructure

In the mid-20th century, many children did not have the opportunity to attend high school and there were not enough schools for the increasing numbers of students. Adding to this, Bantu Education stripped much of the funding and they were under a great need of more teachers, better training for teachers, and more and better equipment, and more suitable and well-organized buildings. The number of African teachers had been increased from 1953 onwards but there were still not enough and many were not properly trained. Most of the schools were without electricity and there was no money to install it. Many schools did not offer practical subjects such as woodwork and metalwork because there was no money to provide equipment. Also, there was no money to provide schools with transport facilities so that students could be taken to visit museums and factories. All these were completely opposite to what the Bantu Education Act had promised for providing educational facilities such as more and better schools, more and better teachers and equipment, and higher standards of education. The Bantu Education policy dictated that a black education would be 'adapted to the country in which they live', and that this 'adaptation' would become the focus of future black education. This creates a severe drawback for students because by placing low standards and limiting resources and curriculum, the leaders of the system were guaranteeing that graduates of the Bantu education would mostly become workers and not leaders in society. Therein lies the foundations of an oppressive and lowering system of education orchestrated by the National Party that would allow most whites in South Africa to continue their roles as the political and social leaders in South Africa. The lack of funding shows how the low expectations for black students and the purposeful limitation of resources and infrastructure had a knock-on effect on the quality of education and the future of many children and young people.

3. Resistance and Legacy

The policy of Bantu Education had led to a number of significant student protests and boycotts. The Bantu Education provided lower standards of education and deprived black people from educational opportunities. The effects of Bantu Education are still felt in South Africa today. Bantu Education guaranteed that black schools received less of everything - poor funding, overcrowded classrooms, shortage of teaching materials, lack of staff. The legacy of Bantu Education can still be felt today. In the aftermath of Bantu Education, the education system of South Africa still fails to meet the needs of the poor communities. In some places, schools are still unequally resourced, some with a swimming pool and a computer room, some with not even a library. There are still not enough schools and black people are still suffering from poor education. Thanks to the profound influence of Bantu Education on contemporary South African schooling, plenty of work has been written and finished by a number of historians and educationists on this topic. Efforts have been and are being made to fix the problems caused by Bantu Education. In 1996, the new government of South Africa implemented the new curriculum, Curriculum 2005, in an attempt to remove the remains of apartheid and Bantu Education from the education system of South Africa. The government of South Africa has made big steps since the end of apartheid. There are still many charities assisting education in South Africa. One example is the charity of Sentebale, founded by Prince Harry and Prince Seeiso. The charity is supporting vulnerable children in Lesotho and Botswana to receive the right type of education. However, as we have seen from recent news, the South African government has been blamed and criticized for the lack of progress for the past 12 years in improving student performance.

3.1 Student protests and activism

During the 1976 Soweto Uprising, high school students in South Africa protested in response to the government's decision to enforce education in Afrikaans rather than English. Afrikaans was often the language of the oppressors and was the medium through which students were forced to learn. The police responded violently to the demonstrations. The first student to die was 13-year-old Hector Pieterson. The photograph of a dying Hector being carried to a nearby car is one that is known worldwide. As a result of the police's action against the students, violence and protest action against the government started happening more frequently in South Africa. The aftermath of the Soweto Uprising led to widespread and sustained unrest and eventually to the end of apartheid. It's estimated that 700 people died in the unrest. One-third of them were school students. This uprising was seen as the start of the active resistance to apartheid and that is why the riots were a key moment in the struggle against the apartheid regime. The impact of the Soweto Uprising and the increased resistance against apartheid that followed brought international criticism and sanctions against the South African government. In South Africa itself, the economic cost of lost productivity from strikes and boycotts and the growing international pressure contributed significantly to the government's decision to make some reforms toward the ending of apartheid. Although apartheid was formally abolished in 1994, and the African National Congress government of South Africa is trying to deal with the consequences and legacy of apartheid through various programmes of racial reconciliation and economic redistribution, the inequalities and divisions created by apartheid cannot be easily erased.

3.2 Long-term effects on education

The lack of adequate education is the most pressing issue. Most of the black people have already suffered from the restricted curriculum and qualified teachers leading to limited higher education facilities. The system has not been able to produce individuals with the ability to serve as well-educated workers and then later play a role in a modern economy. This has led to the danger of those advocating for sustainable and radical changes in the South African educational system to be seen as unpatriotic and enemies of the current regimes. There is overwhelming evidence from the most powerful Western economies which have always given to the world two very important lessons emerging from the constructive engagement with issues of social justice and political participation. It is their recognition that true sustainable development and human well-being including peace and security are not possible without social justice. But social justice can only be achieved if those in a society participate meaningfully in the political, economic and social life of a country. We also have to recall the fact that one of the most important objectives of education clashes with the values of the current regimes. In the societies where knowledge is the principal product, it's not otherwise assumed that only a few have the knowledge whilst the majority have to be tutored and directed by a benevolent despot. It follows, according to the more traditional political power, that it is only a few who should be properly educated. So the type of education which we are getting in South Africa is the type of education which maintain political power. The outcomes projected for this republic in future are those which can guarantee material plenty from an industrial revolution. Such prosperity can only materialize if there is no resistance to the capitalist class. The system has shown to be able to maintain an establishment from one generation to another. The capitalists of tomorrow will arm the trainee and the opulence of the plutocrats will flow like a river with technological progress. Such kind of education is for underpinning economic growth and it will ignore the critical cultural and societal factors. So in Bantu education, it is transforming the natives into a quick-step. In conclusion, by understanding the consequences of Bantu education and its impact on the past generation, we have a chance to work for a better future. It is important as individuals living in this critical age of development to contribute in transforming the South African system into a more inclusive and dynamic higher education sector. To criticize the current educational system is not to open ourselves to charges that we are anti-Afrikaner or anti-Boer. It's not to deceive the people or to inhibit progress. Rather it's to assert the importance of education for the knowledge of our people and for the making of our people. We have a dream of a motivating society in which every person will benefit from the intellectual and moral wealth of our thoughts. Every person will be observed by the teachership of all and will observe in turn. And progress and equality will be the popular banner and the national fulfillment. Every day we should brush aside modern bottle, forgone hell's despair. Now that which would appease unholy and decadent tradition. In a moment, be proud in the conviction that knowledge will change the world and mentality of all the generations infinitely and give to a dying crop of humanity a godly dignity and divine self-reliance.

3.3 Current challenges and efforts for reform

The last few years have seen several new policies and bills being drafted by the South African government with the aim of correcting the injustices of Bantu Education. The most recent and significant of these efforts is the South African Schools Act 84 of 1996, although it has to be admitted that the act mainly deals with issues of segregation and successes of schools and not specifically with the rationalisation of the education system which Bantu Education has left behind. There is, however, a new spirit of optimism in the air. You can hear it in the voices of the people attending public meetings throughout the country. You can see it in the eyes of the children attending schools in black townships, though the schools are still underfunded and understaffed. And you can feel it in the determination of the teachers and education officials trying to implement all these new provisions and turn the system into what it should have been all along: one education department, with one integrated and efficient system to serve all South Africans. But much depends on the ability to phase out the legacy of Bantu Education. And that, of course, will take time - maybe years. The present minister of education, Professor Sibusiso Bengu, has made it clear that he's fully aware of that. But he's also made it very clear that he sees it as his primary task to give future generations of South Africans the best educational opportunities possible and to ensure the development of a democratic and non-racial system of education in the country. Only in this way, he says, can we hope to produce useful citizens who will be able to compete effectively in the newly developing South Africa.

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how did the bantu education act affect people’s lives

The Impact of the Bantu Education Act on People’s Lives

The Bantu Education Act was a significant piece of legislation enacted by the South African government in 1953 during the apartheid era. This act had profound and lasting effects on the lives of the country’s black population, shaping the education system and perpetuating a cycle of inequality and disadvantage. In this article, we will explore how the Bantu Education Act impacted individuals, families, and communities, and how its legacy continues to be felt today.

Background and Purpose of the Bantu Education Act

The Bantu Education Act, also known as Act No. 47 of 1953, aimed to create a separate and inferior education system for black South Africans. Implemented under the apartheid regime, the act sought to ensure that black individuals received an education that aligned with the government’s segregationist policies and maintained white supremacy.

Restricted Access to Quality Education

One of the most significant ways in which the Bantu Education Act impacted people’s lives was through the limited access to quality education. The act introduced a separate and unequal educational system for black students, with fewer resources, poorly trained teachers, and outdated curriculum. This deliberate underfunding and negligence deprived generations of black South Africans of the opportunity to receive a quality education.

As a result, black students were denied the necessary tools and resources to pursue higher education or acquire skills that could lead to meaningful employment opportunities. The disadvantaged education system perpetuated a cycle of poverty, limited social mobility, and entrenched racial inequality.

Economic Consequences

The Bantu Education Act had far-reaching economic consequences for individuals and communities. By systematically providing inferior education to black students, the act limited their prospects for finding well-paying jobs and contributing to the country’s economy. The lack of investment in black education led to a significant skills gap, making it difficult for black individuals to compete in the job market.

This exclusion from quality education and limited employment opportunities resulted in higher levels of unemployment, poverty, and economic dependency within black communities. Many individuals and families continue to experience the consequences of the Bantu Education Act through intergenerational poverty and the perpetuation of socio-economic disparities.

Cultural Implications

The Bantu Education Act not only restricted access to quality education but also aimed to erode black cultural identities and languages. The curriculum enforced under the act devalued indigenous knowledge and sought to assimilate black students into the white-dominated society.

By mandating the use of Afrikaans, a language associated with the oppressors, as the medium of instruction, the act further marginalized black students and undermined their cultural heritage. This cultural stripping had long-lasting consequences, leading to a loss of cultural pride, identity, and a disconnection from ancestral roots.

Resistance and Resilience

Despite the harsh realities imposed by the Bantu Education Act, black South Africans demonstrated remarkable resilience and resistance. Communities, parents, and students organized protests, strikes, and boycotts, demanding equal access to quality education. Their resistance efforts, often met with violence and oppression, played a crucial role in challenging the apartheid regime’s education policies.

Many students and activists risked their lives to establish alternative educational institutions, known as “community schools,” to provide a more equitable education for black students. These community schools became symbols of resilience and resistance, offering hope in the face of oppressive education systems.

Legacy and the Road Ahead

The legacy of the Bantu Education Act continues to shape South Africa today. While the act was officially repealed in 1979, its effects persist in the deeply entrenched educational disparities and socio-economic inequalities. Decades of underfunding and neglect have left a lasting impact on black individuals and communities.

Efforts to address the inequities created by the Bantu Education Act have been ongoing. Steps towards transformation have been taken, such as the introduction of the South African Schools Act in 1996, which aimed to provide equal educational opportunities for all. However, significant challenges remain in ensuring that the effects of this discriminatory legislation are fully rectified.

The Bantu Education Act had a profound and lasting impact on the lives of black South Africans. By implementing a separate and inferior education system, the act restricted access to quality education, perpetuating socio-economic disparities and limiting opportunities for advancement. The act also aimed to erode cultural identities and marginalize black communities.

While South Africa has made progress in dismantling the legacy of the Bantu Education Act, much work remains to be done to achieve true educational equality. Recognizing and understanding the historical context and consequences of this act is essential in the ongoing struggle for justice, equal opportunities, and a more inclusive education system.

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The introduction of Bantu education and the question of resistance, co-operation, non-collaboration or defiance?: the struggle for African schooling with special reference to Cape Town, 1945-1960

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"In 1953 the government passed the Bantu Education Act, which the people didn't want. We didn't want this bad education for our children. This Bantu Education Act was to make sure that our children only learnt things that would make them good for what the government wanted: to work in the factories and so on; they must not learn properly at school like the white children. Our children were to go to school only three hours a day, two shifts of children every day, one in the morning and one in the afternoon, so that more children could get a little bit of learning without government having to spend more money. Hawu! It was a terrible thing that act." Baard and Schreiner, My Spirit is Not Banned, Part 2

There is no space for him [the "Native"] in the European Community above certain forms of labor. For this reason it is of no avail for him to receive training which has its aim in the absorption of the European Community, where he cannot be absorbed. Until now he has been subjected to a school system which drew him away from his community and misled him by showing him the greener pastures of European Society where he is not allowed to graze. (quoted in Kallaway, 92)

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Post-graduate education students' oral history research: a review of retired teachers' experiences and perspectives of the former Bantu Education system

Cheryl S le Roux

Department of Educational Foundations College of Education University of South Africa [email protected]

Throughout the centuries, irrespective of the nature of the society or culture, social history seems to have been narrated or written by the victor glorifying his/her own cause. 1 The voice of the ordinary person is rarely captured in standard historical works and consequently research in this area is certainly warranted and has currently become a vibrant field of research. With this article the author intends to fill one of these gaps in the narrative of social history and focuses specifically on the experiences of teachers who taught under a previous education system in South Africa, namely Bantu Education.

As part of their studies in a History of Education honours course, students were required to conduct interviews with retired teachers (or teachers who had a significant number of years' experience in Bantu Education) as part of their practical research. The interviews aimed to determine these teachers' experiences and perceptions of teaching in the Bantu Education system. The collected data was analysed following Tesch's method of qualitative data analysis. Although there was consensus among all the interviewees that Bantu Education was morally wrong and unjustifiable, the majority of the interviewees also identified positive experiences which call for consideration and reflection. The role of and need for conducting oral history interviews to provide a personalised perspective of past events is clear.

Keywords: Oral history research; Post-graduate research project; Apartheid; Bantu Education; Retired teachers' experiences Bantu Education.

Introduction

The Scottish historian and philosopher, Thomas Carlyle (1841) noted that "The history of the world is but the biography of great men". His theory clearly reflected his belief that it was the great men or heroes of the times who were:

the modellers, patterns, and in a wide sense creators, of whatsoever the general mass of men contrived to do or to attain; all things that we see standing accomplished in the world are properly the outer material result, the practical realization and embodiment, of Thoughts that dwelt in the Great Men (Carlyle 1841).

It was Herbert Spencer (1896), who, in the 1860s, provided a counter argument that these "great men" were but products of their social environment. Although this does not necessarily suggest that the voice of the ordinary person would be reflected in the historical writings that emerged from that time, it does perhaps intimate the recognition of the role of ordinary people in shaping history and the influence of a particular ideological background underpinned by social, economic and political trends at the current time.

In the recording of histories - especially the histories of societies that lack a rich written record - oral sources have been used, although initially with a significant measure of scepticism. However, Jan Vansina's 2 approach particularly in the recording of the histories of Africa represented a methodological advance that brought a breakthrough in and acknowledgement of the use of oral histories as a modern, scientifically valid research method (Phillips 2006).

Since the 1994 political changes in South Africa, there have been attempts to re-examine the historical narrative of the country critically and to strengthen the study and teaching of history in schools and higher education institutions. In 2001, the South African History Project was launched by the Department of Education to promote and enhance a historical conscience and to encourage the recording of oral histories in a post-apartheid South Africa (Asmal, 2002). Prior to this project, the National Archives of South Africa Act (Act 43 of 1996) had already emphasised that one of the functions of the state archives was to "document aspects of the nation's experience neglected by archives repositories in the past" (South Africa, 1996). As a means of fulfilling this mandate, the National Archives and Records Service (NARS) maintain a National Register of Oral Sources (NAROS). Orality is an essential aspect of the tradition of a significant proportion of South Africans. NARS (nd) has turned to this cultural asset by stating:

... as one means of filling these gaps by bringing into the archives the stories and narratives which reflect the experiences and memory of those South Africans that had been marginalised in the contestation of social memory and the nation's experiences.

Committing to these ideals, since 2009 the Honours Bachelor of Education (Hons BEd) programme offered at the University of South Africa (UNISA) has included a compulsory module entitled "South African Education in Context" in the programme. One of the intended outcomes of the module is to provide students with a critical sense of location and a theoretical perspective on the provisioning of education from pre-colonial times up to democracy. Another outcome is to enable students to gain insight into how education is responsive to changing circumstances and needs. Generally, and in the module specifically, the history of the provision of education is contextualised within the dominant social, political, economic and ideological paradigms of the times and questions are asked whether and how these contexts relate to each other within a particular environment or set of events (Le Roux, 2011:18; cf. Du Bruyn & Oelofse, 2012:123). Equally importantly though is a reflection of how individuals who lived through these times, experienced the major events in education provision and responded to them. In addition, since this is an honours-level research module and the module developers view the history of education as being equally an academic field of study and an applied science, emphasis is placed on providing students with the opportunity to build and hone skills associated with history of education research methods. The rationale underpinning this emphasis is to support students to develop a hands-on encounter with the construction of an historical literacy in the field of education. The research methods taught and practised in this module are archival work, literature reviews, visual data analysis (artefacts, illustrations, period cartoons) and oral history (OH) research - the latter being the focus of this article.

A theoretical framework: the place and role of the history of education

Depaepe (1982:614-620) asserts that the importance of the history of education as a discipline is that it has practical, theoretical, educational and intrinsic value. The intrinsic or personal educational value includes cognitive moulding and the shaping of a personal and civic identity. McCollough (2000) and Robinson (2000) emphasise that the inclusion of History of Education in teacher training facilitates an understanding among aspirant teachers that there are indeed "histories" of education. These histories can be categorised as an official history of education that is best explained as a state or government version of educational provisioning that is used to justify education policies and practices; a private or detached history of education generated by academics that is influenced by and based on the broad mission and vision statement to which their particular educational institution subscribes; and a collective history of education where the public contribute towards the generation of the content. The latter perspective highlights the contribution that ordinary citizens of a country can make towards the debate on what actually constitutes history. This concept of experience-oriented personalised knowledge generation is grounded firmly in acknowledging the value of how people construe and experience events and the contribution this can make to the creation of a counter-hegemonic perspective of history and the shaping of identities (Novoa, 2001).

The responsibility of the historian of education

Although it is said that historians are subjective and biased in their interpretation of the history they write (Marwick, 2001:1, 39), Aldrich (2003: 134-136) draws attention to Laslett's (1987) comments on the responsibilities of historians. These he describes as being three-fold:

• a duty to their own generation to record as fully as possible and interpret the events of the past by filling the gaps and rescuing from oblivion the voices from the past for contemporary and future generations;

• a duty to the people in the past to record and interpret events as fully and as accurately as possible;

• an academic and scholarly duty to search after the truth to the utmost of his abilities while acknowledging that it is inevitable that some degree of bias is probable, but that the research has been conducted in such a way that all has been done to circumvent this.

Historical literacy

When one traces the development of the concept "historical literacy", a variety of developments and broadening of perspectives becomes evident. The concept was initially introduced by Hirsch (1988) and Ravitch (1989), who defined it as an individual's level of historical content knowledge of past events. Aronowitz and Giroux (1991) advanced a broader notion of the concept, positing that historical literacy varies from context to context, while Wineburg (1991) argues that the concept includes the content-knowledge dimension as well as the methods of collecting, verifying, interpreting and contextualising the subject matter. Husbands (1996), Taylor (2003) and Lee (2004), in furthering the developing of the concept as outlined by Wineburg, emphasise the importance of understanding historical content in terms of time, cause and effect, change and continuity.

Some underlying theoretical assumptions regarding oral history research

Research paradigms inform researchers' thinking about knowledge and the nature, purpose and way in which knowledge is constructed (Williams, 1998). Because history is often criticised for embedding the ideas and assumptions of those by whom it was recorded (Bos, 2011), revisions to this formal history can be provided by asking individuals to share their personal recollections, perspectives and experiences of historical events (Gluck, Ritchie & Eynon, 1999:2). These particularized accounts are collected through OH research. Data collected in this manner is not confined to the factual, but also allows for narrator reflection: description, explanation and viewpoints that personalise the data. In current research circles, data collected in this manner provides researchers with the opportunity to contribute to the process of the democratisation of society, as a process constituting transformation, or as a means of realising social advocacy. Acknowledgement of the importance of individuals' historical narratives is also a means of assisting individuals to make sense of and come to terms with the past.

Symon and Cassell's (1998), Plummer's (2001), and Grele's (2010) work significantly influence the theoretical framework regarding researchers' approach to OH research in a postmodern paradigm. Plummer's work can be described as a "humanistic social-historical research approach" while Grele's (2010) and Symon and Cassell's (1998) comment that qualitative research draws on a subjective ontology and a constructivist epistemology also points to a post-positivist approach as does Plummer's. The work of scholars such as Denzin and Lincoln (2003) and Du Bruyn and Oelofse (2012:123) - who posit that OH research strives towards locating the individual in his or her overall life experience within the broader socio-historical context of life and that knowledge is not always textbook-bound - also supports the preceding authors' opinions that OH research is significantly subjective and is firmly grounded in the post-modern or social-constructivist framework.

The relevance of the preceding cursory theoretical framework on the place and role of history and OH in the context of this research is that:

• history of education contributes to individual and civic identity (Depaepe,1982);

• OH research allows for the personalisation of history and the creation of a counter-hegemonic perspective of history and although subjective, it is no less significant than the narrative of scholars (Bos, 2011, Novoa, 2001; McCollough, 2000; Robinson, 2000);

• historians of education fill the gaps in knowledge and capture and include the experiences and perceptions of ordinary members of society (Laslett, 1987);

• historical literacy requires the application of relevant research methods (Wineburg, 1991);

• history should be understood within the spirit of the times and in terms of change and continuity (Husbands, 1996; Taylor, 2003; Lee, 2004).

Together, this summary of ideas is central to the way the theoretical and practical dimensions of the module "South African Education in Context" are approached.

Research context

"South African History in Context" is a compulsory module in a B Ed Hons programme offered by UNISA which is an open distance learning (ODL) institution. The number of students who register for this module annually exceeds 4 000. Since 2009 3 when the module was first presented, the compulsory assignment dedicated to History of Education theory and research has included an OH interview assignment due to the researcher's 4 specific interest in OH research and her belief in the meaning of personal narrative as a means of acknowledging the contribution of "ordinary" people - whose recall of experiences and perceptions is rarely sought or valued by society. One of the purposes of setting this task is to provide students with the opportunity to engage first-hand in historical research.

Each year four topics 5 related to education (the scope of the module extends from pre-colonial education to education provisioning up to 1994) are identified by the researcher and students are required to select one of these topics for their interview. One of the topics is "Bantu Education" and for this specific topic, students are required to probe teachers' perceptions and experience of teaching during the Bantu Education era. The requirement is that teachers should have had at least 10 years' experience of teaching in the Bantu Education system implemented in 1953 (Republic of South Africa, 1953). 6 The expectation is that by engaging in this type of research students will gain a personalised view of how teaching was experienced and perceived by their respondent and at the same time, establish to what extent an individual's perspective and perception of an event is aligned with the conventional historical discourse on the issue as published in scholarly and popular sources.

In preparation for the interview, students need to familiarise themselves with the:

• purpose and value of doing OH research;

• logistics of preparing for and conducting an OH interview;

• topic chosen for the interview and the period in question by doing a substantial amount of preparatory reading so that they are knowledgeable about the topic and are able to draft their own interview schedule that will encourage the interviewee to provide rich information relevant to the topic and period. A firm grounding in the topic places students in the position to probe the interviewee's responses to substantiate and clarify their comments so that meaningful analysis and interpretation of the emergent data can be done;

• process of transcribing, analysing, coding and categorising data, contextualising and interpreting the interview findings.

The preparatory readings on Bantu Education would provide students with certain core knowledge such as:

• the schooling conditions for black children before the National Party came to rule ie that education was provided on an ad hoc basis by various religious bodies (Mission Schools) and provincial administrations with minimal attention to secondary education (Union of South Africa, 1951);

• the passage of the Bantu Education Act in 1953 (implemented in 1954) for the first time provided a structured, uniform system of formal education for black children that included primary and secondary schooling, teacher and vocational training and instruction in the mother-tongue in primary schooling;

• Bantu Education was instituted to provide mass education for black children and to eliminate widespread illiteracy among blacks and also as a means of curbing the mounting juvenile delinquent behaviour in the cities that was becoming a considerable cause of concern;

• because the government controlled black education, the tenets of apartheid such as the policy on separate development, could be propagated and later on, with the creation of the Bantustans (1968) and decentralisation of education to Bantustans, education was planned for and supervised by black inspectors in each homeland;

• although the government subsidised black schools and was responsible for the payment of teachers' salaries, the subsidy was not sufficiently adequate to provide education comparable to that of white children and consequently, parents had to purchase their children's books and many of the schools were under-resourced;

• the curriculum was the same for black and white children in many of the subjects (environmental studies was an exception where the curriculum was adapted to local needs and circumstances);

• instruction in both official languages (English and Afrikaans) was introduced in secondary school;

• according to the Afrikaans Medium Decree passed in 1974 certain subjects at secondary school level such as mathematics, arithmetic and social sciences had to be taught in Afrikaans (the intention was to first introduce this practice to schools in Soweto and the Northern Transvaal — which was the impetus for the Soweto Uprisings) while certain subjects were taught in English and others in the mother-tongue;

• the struggle for the abolition of unequal, segregated education started in earnest in the mid-1970s and escalated to the extent that the schooling for black children was severely disrupted (more so in certain areas of the country than others) and conditions at schools were often tense (Booyse, 2011: 240-248; Giliomee, 2012).

Students use their prescribed textbook and additional study material as provided in tutorial letters and recommended sources for the above. In the absence of contact sessions in the ODL teaching environment, various other methods are used to support students. Students are invited through tutorial letters, short message system texts (SMSs) and the my Unisa online discussion forum (which could be described as a "facebook" type forum for students registered for the module) to approach their lecturers for assistance and advice and to discuss constraints relating to the interview process, the drafting of an appropriate interview schedule and their preparatory reading on the topic and period. Students generally email, telephone or use myUnisa to approach lecturers for assistance. Since 2010 a 90 minute satellite broadcast that focuses specifically on research methods used in history of education is presented by the researcher. The session is broadcast live to 22 UNISA regional centers countrywide approximately a month before the assignment due date. Rebroadcasts are scheduled for two weeks later and two months before the examination. In addition to providing guidance on the necessity of the preparatory readings and logistics pertaining to planning the interview, examples of how OH assignments are marked and commented on are discussed during the broadcast. The slides, presentation notes and additional material are posted on the online discussion forum prior to the broadcast so that students can prepare for the presentation. The notes and slides can also be used to refresh their memories subsequent to the presentation.

The ethical requirements for conducting research involving people are clearly outlined in the Institution's Research Ethics Policy (UNISA, 2007). Since the research in question applies to a specific cohort of students annually, it is the researcher's responsibility to ensure that class approval for the assignment has been obtained from the College of Education's Research Ethics Committee where after clearance for the assignment is sought from the Senate Research and Innovation Committee. To ensure that the ethics protocol is strictly followed, students are provided with a pro forma letter that requests the interviewee's consent to participate in the interview. The letter thus outlines the purpose of the interview and how the data will be used, that participation is voluntary and that the interviewee may withdraw from the interview without reprisal or choose not to answer specific questions during the course of the interview. The letter also mentions that confidentiality and anonymity will be upheld, but, given the context within which OH research is conducted and the purpose of doing OH research for example, to acknowledge the role an individual has played in the historical course of events, interviewees are specifically asked whether they would like to waive their right to anonymity. The informed consent document asks interviewees to indicate whether they grant permission that the findings from their interview be captured on an OH data repository administered by the lecturers for the module and whether this information can be used for further research. Students are requested to indicate on the same form whether their own research may be used by the lecturers for further research. It is emphasised that the agreement must be completed by both the student and the interviewee prior to the interview taking place. If a student does not submit the necessary signed documentation together with the assignment, the OH interview answer is not marked.

Students are advised to record the interview (with the interviewee's permission), as note-taking is not necessarily an effective means of capturing a narrative. However, given the socio-economic contexts of many of the students audio or video recording is not always possible. Furthermore, students report that at times their interviewees are reluctant to have their narratives recorded as they are suspicious of the students' motives and those of the university. Those interviewees who are opposed to the interviews being recorded are generally concerned that the recording will somehow be used against them. This is despite the fact that interviewees are assured during the consultation and preparation phase that confidentiality and anonymity will be stringently upheld if preferred and that this can be indicated on the informed consent document.

After students have conducted the interview, the recording is transcribed or a comprehensive narrative from the notes taken during the interview is written up. Using Tesche's method of qualitative data analysis the body of data is organised according to broad topics that are coded and then grouped into categories with their particular themes (Tesch, 1990: 142-145). The findings are written up according to a rubric provided in the assignment brief that indicates the required structure of the answer and mark allocation. Students are asked to provide a:

• justification for the choice of topic and the process followed to identify a suitable interviewee;

• summary of the research findings, presented and discussed in the form of an academic essay;

• reflection on conducting the interview, constraints and how they were dealt with, and also the student's and interviewee's perception and experience of participating in the OH interview.

Research design and method

The data used for this article is based on a sample of students' interviews on Bantu Education that were conducted in 2011. During June and July (the assignment was due mid-July) the assignments were delivered to the primary lecturer. A random sample of 100 assignments was drawn by the researcher from the approximate 4000 assignments that were received. Despite the fact that ethical clearance forms had been signed by the student as well as the interviewee, a note from the researcher was included in the sampled assignment prior to it being marked asking the students to consider submitting their OH findings to the database that has been set up for research purposes. The reason the note was included prior to marking was to ensure that the sample was not biased in relation to the mark the student achieved for the OH task. Since not all students responded to the note, an announcement was subsequently placed on the online discussion forum site requesting students to consider submitting their OH assignment answer to the database for research purposes 7 . Despite the fact that the researcher has legitimate access to use any or all of the OH interviews submitted by students for research purposes on the basis of the letter of consent signed by the respondent and the interviewer, the researcher believes that, as a matter of courtesy, the students should be asked personally to sanction the use of their OH interview for further research.

In 2011, 279 students made their OH interviews available to the researcher. Of these, 72 (26 per cent) of the assignments were on Bantu Education. A random sample of 35 (49 per cent) of these assignments was selected for qualitative analysis; that is, a critical analysis, description and interpretation of the data by the researcher. Upon closer inspection, four of the assignments from the selected sample needed to be excluded since the students had not focused their interviews specifically on Bantu Education. Each of the remaining 31 assignments was studied and analysed in depth to identify major and minor topics. Following Tesch's method of qualitative data analysis, these topics were clustered and reduced to categories or themes that were coded for analysis. To facilitate the organisation of the identified themes, comparative tables were drawn up on an Excel spreadsheet.

Apart from following Tesch's guidelines for the categorising of data, the researcher noted that White, Miescher and Cohen (2001:3-4) draw a distinction between the raw data that results from OH interviews, which they describe as "words", and the "voices" that symbolise the perspectives and opinions sought within the raw material of words. Given that students had already written their analysis and interpretation of the raw data as a research essay, a particular onus was placed on the researcher to delve deeper for the voice of the narrator to ensure that the analysis of the sampled interviews revealed the underlying currents and emotions of the narrator in relation to his or her experiences and perspectives of teaching under the policies of Bantu Education.

Presentation and discussion of the research findings

The findings of the study were organised according to the themes that emerged and each of these themes is discussed individually. In addition, a profile of the respondents and an overview of interviewees' and interviewers' responses to participating in the interview are provided to add depth to the discussion and interpretation of the findings.

Interviewee profile

Of the 31 interviews, 25 of the interviewees were retired and 6 were still in the teaching profession in 2011. The interviewees were all South African. The assignment answers were grouped according to province and locality in an attempt to establish whether a particular trend emerged from the narratives. The majority of the respondents (61 per cent) reside in rural communities. Kwa-Zulu Natal and Limpopo were the most represented in this group. The graph below represents the distribution of the interviewees per province and locality.

Distribution of interviewees per province and locality

Those who were still teaching started their teaching career in the late 60s. Two of the former teachers who were interviewed were white females who had both taught at historically black schools. One remained at the school despite the boycotts and continued teaching at the school until her retirement; the other transferred to a former Model C school in 1983 after having spent 15 years in Bantu Education.

All the interviewees responded that teaching was their passion and that they had chosen the career because of their love for teaching. They looked back at their teaching career with happy memories, except for the two white teachers who mentioned that the intimidation they had been subjected to during the struggle years had been very difficult to cope with. One of these teachers had been resolute to remain at the school despite the difficult times and, in retrospect, was proud of the fact that she had persevered until her retirement.

More than half the teachers (most of them now retired) had started their formal teacher training after having completed Standard 6 [Grade 8], which was the minimum requirement to enter a training college and study for the lower primary certificate. However, most of these teachers furthered their studies and one completed a B Ed (Hons). One teacher was awarded an honorary doctoral degree for her dedication to the improvement of teaching for the black child.

Three specific themes emerged from the analysis of the interviews, namely:

• interviewees' attitude towards and perception of Bantu Education;

• interviewees' experiences and perceptions of the Bantu Education curriculum and the implementation of the curriculum; and

• the infrastructure and resources available to teachers during the years of Bantu Education.

Another category in which observations relating to Bantu Education that did not fall into one of the main themes was created and these finding will be discussed in the section on additional comments. It needs to be noted that the researcher drew a distinction between interviewees' perceptions and their experiences: the experiences related to what Bantu Education entailed and expected of teachers while the perceptions were the views and reflections of their lived experiences. Each of the themes was discussed separately together with the experience and perception of the interviewees.

It should be remembered that, although OH is aimed to "get at" how people experienced an event at the time of its occurrence, accounts and perceptions obtained through OH research are influenced by circumstances or events that occurred later on in a person's life. What the OH interview achieves is to capture the respondent's recollections of the period being researched. Most of the retired teachers who were interviewed had taught for between 37 and 40 years and some also went through mind shifting curriculum changes instituted since 1994.

Theme 1: Attitude towards Bantu Education

All 31 interviewees, including the two white female teachers, described the Bantu Education system as discriminatory, constructed to marginalise black people and ensure that they were subservient to the white minority, and averred that the system provided inferior education. Most of the black teachers had strong opinions about the inequalities and discrimination that were imposed by Bantu Education and the following quotations eloquently articulate these teachers' general opinions of Bantu Education:

• "Bantu Education was a well-orchestrated, legalised system aimed at maintaining at all costs white supremacy over the black majority. The creation of Bantustans was used to further entrench the system."

• "The creation of the homeland system perpetuated apartheid and created discordance amongst blacks." (Several respondents made comments to this effect.)

• "Bantu Education was slavery education."

Apart from these negative comments 7 of the 31 respondents, provided positive comments regarding the system:

• "Bantu Education was slavery education, but a good education. Teachers were disciplined and exemplary and were good role models for pupils."

• "Teachers [under the Bantu Education system] were assertive and confident because they were respected by the pupils, parents and the community."

• "The system was designed for blacks, but inherently the principles of teaching were sound."

• "Bantu Education should be reinstated because the current system is appalling."

• "At least children could read and write after they had left school — I guess better than pupils who leave school today."

• "Teacher training in black colleges was excellent and produced well qualified teachers. The training was theoretical that provided content knowledge and practical that prepared teachers with the skills how to teach."

Perhaps it should be noted that none of the positive comments quoted was made by the two white teachers. They both spoke about the system in negative terms, stressing that it was racially segregated and entrenched the policies of apartheid. Although all the respondents had experienced Bantu Education as politically discriminatory and aimed at subjugating blacks, some perceived Bantu Education as having merit — especially in contrast to what was happening in schools currently (cf Motshekga, 2011). The positive aspects that were pointed out reflect traces of well-grounded teaching principles; that teacher training of the time appropriately equipped teachers to teach confidently and focus on quality teaching; and that teachers were respected in their communities and at school and they were perceived to be good role models for the youth.

Theme 2: Curriculum and related matters during the years of Bantu Education

Under this theme, the comments related to the medium of instruction, subjects offered in the curriculum, methods of instruction, discipline, and career opportunities for which school leavers were prepared are discussed.

Medium of instruction

Most of the respondents pointed out that mother tongue instruction was used until Standard 6 [Grade 8], after which the medium of instruction was English. The introduction of Afrikaans as a/the medium of instruction (instituted in 1974 as the Afrikaans Medium Decree and repealed in 1979) was experienced incongruously. Some teachers remarked that the cause of the school boycotts and struggle for liberation were based on the fact that Afrikaans had become the medium of instruction [for all subjects] in secondary schooling. 8 Because many teachers were themselves not conversant with Afrikaans, teaching came to a virtual standstill. Others mentioned that only certain subjects were authorised to be taught in Afrikaans, for example mathematics, while one teacher said that at the school where she taught (a rural school in Kwa-Zulu Natal), it was "business as usual" and that they continued teaching in English despite the Afrikaans Medium Decree. Even though mother tongue instruction is generally seen as having a positive effect on a child's learning experience, some of the interviewees' saw this as a further entrenchment of apartheid and segregation. School leavers who left school after or before having completed Standard 6 were "unequal as an employable population" due to having been taught in the vernacular. However, one teacher indicated that mother tongue instruction should have been used throughout the pupils' schooling. One of the white teachers who taught at secondary level mentioned that after the introduction of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction in certain subjects in 1976, the [black] teachers continued to explain concepts and methods in these subjects (for example mathematics, arithmetic and social studies) either in the vernacular or in English which was more understandable to the pupils. In this teacher's opinion this was one of the reasons pupils struggled when it came to the examinations which had to be written in Afrikaans.

Curriculum issues

Respondents who commented on the curriculum itself mentioned the actual subjects that were taught at school included the mother tongue, arithmetic, nature studies, social studies, health, crafts and needlework, agriculture, music, religious instruction and English. The official languages (English and Afrikaans) mathematics, science, biology and home economics were mentioned as additional subjects that were taught at secondary school level which started in Standard 6 (grade 8). (Initially Standard 6 was accommodated in the primary phase and later moved to secondary school level). Respondents were generally negative towards some of the subjects that were included in the curriculum, in particular towards crafts, needlework and agriculture since they perceived these subjects to be inferior and aimed at preparing pupils for domestic service or farm labourers thereby ensuring that they would not be able to rise above a certain social station. In contrast, others mentioned that these subjects gave students the opportunity to learn useful life skills and to express their creativity. Crafts as a subject was singled out as a means of keeping alive traditional crafts of the particular ethnic groups. Twenty-eight of the respondents (90 per cent) indicated the value of religious instruction in the curriculum, arguing that it taught respect, dignity and the Word of God. Many attributed the fact that school discipline was not a problem during these years to the fact that positive moral values and respect were instilled through religious instruction. None of the teachers (those who did not refer to it specifically) spoke of religious instruction in negative terms.

Sport (as an extramural activity) and music were commended as forming an important feature of the curriculum. It was suggested that, because participation in sport and music activities requires pupils to follow instructions and learn to follow rules, this contributed to pupils learning discipline. One teacher explained the value of sport as follows: "Sports have to be played according to rules and regulations - if these rules are not followed, you can't play".

Teaching in the classroom

Several of the respondents indicated that teachers came to school well prepared to teach their lessons because their lesson preparation was checked by the principal at least twice a week. It was also mentioned that this proper preparation ensured that the pupils were kept busy and that there was no time for disruptive behaviour. All but one of the interviewees who commented on teaching methods said that teaching and learning were teacher-centred with enforced rote-learning and note-taking [from the blackboard]. One teacher described teaching as spoon-feeding while another described it as a "jug and mug" method. One teacher mentioned that the "Socratic" method of instruction (question and answer) was used and that this amounted to rote-learning. Teaching towards preparation for the examination was another allegation levelled against the system. One of the white teachers who was interviewed indicated that pupils were encouraged to engage in discussion in her classes. She disagreed that teaching and learning methods were necessarily teacher-centred or that they were imposed through policy.

Several interviewees stated that the curriculum prepared pupils for one of three careers - teaching, nursing or entering the police force. The majority of school leavers (those who left the system early or prematurely) became blue collar workers and mostly, because of being unskilled, took on manual jobs as domestic workers, farm labourers or miners.

Linked to a previous discussion related to the inclusion of religious instruction in the curriculum, and the respect and obedience assumed to have emerged from this, a number of teachers commented that problems of discipline seldom occurred. Pupils were respectful and helpful towards their teachers and school hours were respected. Punctuality was never a problem. Disciplining a pupil was at times necessary and generally took the form of manual work such as weeding the garden or digging holes for trees to be planted. Corporal punishment was used, but none of the teachers in the sample mentioned that it had been abused. Teachers who mentioned corporal punishment, spoke of it in relatively positive terms as being a reminder to pupils to be diligent, do their homework and learn conscientiously for tests and exams.

Teachers also remarked that the moral code instilled by religious instruction and daily assembly, which included scripture reading, prayer and singing, reminded teachers that they had to lead by example. They worked hard and were well prepared for their lessons, were respectful towards each other and the pupils, and followed a formal dress code. Pupils were also expected to wear a proper school uniform. Informal dressing was only allowed on sports days.

Theme 3: Circumstances and resources during the years of Black Education

This theme covered topics that looked at the infrastructure, teachers' conditions of service, teaching resources and school attendance.

Infrastructure

Regarding the infrastructure, about 20 per cent of the teachers mentioned that the schools they had taught at had had no electricity or water and no toilets. Pupils and teachers had to relieve themselves in the "bush". All mentioned that the classrooms were overcrowded and that in many instances teaching took place outside under a tree. A significant number of teachers mentioned the platoon system of teaching, which meant that teaching was spread over two sessions a day with some pupils attending in the morning and others in the afternoon. This system was implemented to try to deal with the overcrowding in schools. The community, according to several interviewees - specifically mentioned by those from rural areas, was responsible for building their own schools and became responsible for the maintenance of the buildings, the administration of expansions to the school, and the employment of private teachers who were paid from funds collected from schools fees. One of the key limitations with regard to the payment of private teachers was that parents were not forthcoming in paying their children's school fees.

Remuneration

Government-employed teachers complained that it was common for them not to be paid on time and that the salaries were poor. Several mentioned the inequality of salaries, with men earning more than women, and men receiving an increase when they got married and now had a wife and possibly a family to support. Pregnant married female teachers were given unpaid maternity leave while unmarried women who fell pregnant were dismissed. A particular teacher once petitioned the government to increase the salaries of black teachers. The response, she recalls, was: "You live in mud houses and wear cow-skins. Why do you need more money?" Such comments indicate the level of indifference towards the plight of black teachers.

Schools were generally under-resourced which ranged from a lack of classroom furniture to a lack of teaching resources. Often the teaching resource was limited to a single textbook. The teacher would then write notes on the black board which the pupils had to copy. Parents were expected to purchase their children's school books, but many were too poor to do so. Consequently, teachers had to improvise and produce their own learning-support materials. The under-resourced schools were generally known for poor scholastic achievement and a lack of pupil and teacher motivation. However, with regard to the latter, it would seem that even in the face of difficult circumstances, most teachers were generally so dedicated to their profession that they managed as best they could. It was interesting to note that most teachers responded to the challenges positively and were proud of this fact. Very few indicated that the difficulties they experienced were an excuse not to give children the best education they could.

School attendance

School attendance was a particular issue of concern and a number of points were raised by the teachers in this regard. Children generally started school after the official school-going age of seven. This was attributed to the fact that children of this age were still expected to be involved in household tasks such as herding cattle or sheep. However, this practice led to age differences in classes that complicated teaching and pupil interaction in the classroom and on the school grounds. Absenteeism in winter was common since parents could not afford suitable winter clothing for their children. In summer, it often happened that pupils had to be turned away from the school for safety reasons. Because school buildings were generally thatched mud structures, they were in danger of collapse if it rained heavily or if the wind was blowing strongly. Pupils who had to attend initiation schools when they came of age generally stayed away from school for the whole year. Teaching in the face of such constraints would certainly have had a negative effect on learning quality and consistency.

Additional comments emanating from the interviews on Bantu Education experiences

Two teachers raised the issue of nepotism in the Bantustans which they perceived to be associated with the clear class distinctions prevalent in black society. There was an elite class of blacks whose children were given privileges at school and were not required to do manual work such as sweeping the classroom or scrubbing the floors, which was part of the regular pupil's school day.

Teachers were divided on the value and purpose of school inspection and school inspectors. Some reported that the inspectors were helpful and followed up on assistance provided; others mentioned that if the teacher made a mistake in the lesson that was being monitored, the inspector would take over, which was a great embarrassment to the teacher.

Interviewees' and interviewers' experiences and perception of the interview process and experience

None of the interviewees was reluctant to be interviewed and many felt honoured and excited that they had been selected for the interview. All the interviewees were cooperative and eager to participate. Most were described as being confident, at ease, fluent and having excellent recall. One student mentioned that the interviewee had been overwhelmed by being able to share his experiences with someone who wanted to listen to him. Some were curious that they were being interviewed and that their opinion actually mattered. One interviewee hoped that her contribution could be used to advise the Department of Education on teaching matters.

Many of the students indicated that they felt overwhelmed by being required to engage in OH research and were unsure whether they would succeed. Frequent comments students made were that they were concerned that the interview schedule would be inappropriate; that the interviewee would be annoyed by the intrusion or that they would embarrass themselves due to their lack of experience on the topic and in doing field work. Despite these concerns, all the interviewers seemed to have enjoyed the interview as can be deduced from the following selection of responses:

• "I learnt new skills, I felt empowered and I would love to continue searching for information this way."

• "I found the process very informative and enlightening. I had a marvellous experience — it was a real "wow" and I am inspired to do further research."

• "It was an emotional experience — it was like watching a movie of the past."

• "It felt so good to do the interview."

Five students specifically mentioned that by doing the OH interview, they had learnt the importance of being objective and withholding personal opinions. The following statements from students support this statement:

• "I did not agree with many of the statements the interviewee made, but I had to withhold my own opinion."

• "Conducting the interview was an exercise in professionalism: I had to withhold my own opinions and listen to arguments and statements that I did not agree with."

• "I learnt to tolerate different viewpoints, but at the same time gained compassion and respect for the teacher's contribution in being determined to do the best for his nation."

• "Our views differed and I had to reserve mine no matter how strongly I felt about them."

In my opinion, the comments relating to the experiences and perceptions of both the students and the interviewees in relation to the OH interview indicate that interviewees engaged willingly, were forthcoming with their opinions and reminiscences and consequently that the credibility of the research can be endorsed in principle.

In this article the researcher reported on the role that OH interviews can play in the field of history of education in giving retired teachers or teachers who have many years of experience an opportunity to narrate their personal experiences and their perceptions of experiences in relation to a particular episode of their teaching career. The topic for discussion on which this article focused was teachers' experience of Bantu Education [1953-1979] - possibly one of the most contested educational policies passed in Apartheid South Africa. The generally accepted (and perpetuated) perception is that Bantu Education was disparaging, oppressive, degrading and held the black child back from venturing into careers supposedly reserved for their white counterparts. Looking back, one cannot deny that the country has suffered because of the Bantu Education policy passed under Apartheid. It is still blamed for failures in education (Mohamed, 2012; X-press, 2012: 3) almost four decades after its repeal and the change of government for whom the introduction of new education policy was a matter of immediate concern. The Bantu Education Act was racially based - there is no doubt about that - however it was the first legislation ever passed that provided for the formal education of the black child. One of the chief concerns that the policy hoped to address was to provide education for black children in order to eradicate widespread black illiteracy and to provide instruction in the mother tongue in the primary school years - a practice that is generally accepted to be academically sound (Giliomee, 2012).

The purpose of this research was to establish how a sample of teachers who had actually taught under the Bantu Education system personally experienced and perceived the education system. The data was gathered by Hons B Ed students who conducted OH interviews with these teachers. From the interviews it was clear that all the teachers perceived and experienced Bantu Education as being racially segregated, inferior and marginalising. Despite this, interviewees also highlighted positive aspects of the system and the contexts within which they had taught. The researcher's review and reflection of the interview findings provided a constant reminder that, despite the perceived constraints and challenging educational circumstances and teaching contexts, most of the teachers who formed part of this study were champions in the cause of education that was driven by their passion for teaching. What I personally regard as being a striking outcome of the interviews is that so many of the teachers were profoundly proud of what they had achieved as teachers and that they had persevered in their cause despite the poor circumstances and salaries they received. They were proud of their social status as teachers and the respect that communities accorded them. But most of all, these teachers were especially willing to share their experiences with the researchers and were astonished that their reminiscences were important and that people actually wanted to hear about their experiences. It is a humbling thought that perhaps society has become blasé or neglectful of recognising and valuing the role the older generation has played in shaping society - a deficiency that can be resolved by collecting the OH narratives of ordinary people.

One of the responsibilities of historians and historians of education is to fill the gaps in history and capture the voices of the ordinary members of society if they intend to be true to past, present and future generations. This is where OH research can play a pivotal role, and its contribution to this cause needs to be acknowledged and used. However, because only 31 OH interviews were analysed for the purpose of this study, this could be viewed as a limitation in that the results cannot be generalised to the broader population of retired teachers who taught under the Bantu Education system. However, the research on which this article is based, at the very least, should alert researchers in education to the importance of OH research to provide fresh perspectives on events and practices that have occurred in the provisioning of schooling to children. From these oral narratives it is possible to better understand history within the spirit and context of the times and to attempt to gain different and perhaps more balanced perspectives of the history of education in South Africa.

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1 T Carlyle, 1841; S Hook, 1955; W James, 2005. 2 Jan Vansina is a Belgian historian and anthropologist specialising in Africa. However, his work on oral traditions is internationally acclaimed (Arnhaut & Vanhee, 2001). 3 The OH interview is still one of the assignment tasks and has again been set for 2013. Students comment that the experience of conducting OH interviews is rewarding, informative, adds value to their studies and gives them the experience of doing history of education research in the field. This observation is based on personal feedback received from students and comments that are made on the online forum. 4 The researcher is a primary lecturer in the module. 5 The topics have included Discipline, Teacher Training, Christian National Education, Language and religion, Classroom practice, and Bantu Education. The latter is a popular topic and consequently it has been set as an option each year thus far. 6 The Bantu Education Act (Act 47 of 1953) was repealed by the Education and Training Act (Act 90 of 1979). 7 Since 2009, an average of 300 students has respond to this request annually. Once the students forward their assignments (either electronically or as a hard copy which is then electronically scanned) the data is filed on the electronic data base according to the topic of the interview and the year of submission. 8 In 1974, according to the Afrikaans Medium Decree, [Northern Transvaal Region, "Regional Circular Bantu Education", Northern Transvaal (No. 4), File 6.8.3. of 17.10.1974] Afrikaans was introduced as the medium of instruction from Standard 5 (grade 7) upwards in Soweto and some Northern Transvaal schools for certain subjects namely mathematics, arithmetic and social sciences. The other subjects were to be taught in English or in the vernacular (Boddy-Evans, 2012).

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TO WHAT EXTENT DID THE BANTU EDUCATION ACT CHANGE THE SYSTEM OF BLACK EDUCATION IN SOUTH AFRICA?

Related Papers

Tsoaledi Thobejane

Abstract This paper outlines the rationale of Bantu education that was available for South African Blacks from 1953 to 1992. The paper is of the opinion that challenges of constructing a new education system in post‐apartheid South Africa cannot be fully grasped without a proper understanding of the pervasive impact of Bantu education on the majority for a period of almost 60 years. It also discusses the educational vision and goals of the important organizations in the liberation movement such as the African National Congress, the Azanian People’s Organization, and the Pan Africanist Congress that continue to shape educational debates in the present educational reform context. The paper argues that the present curriculum by its very history and origins does not address the problems that have been created by the ideology of the former South African education system. Salient to these problems is the over‐emphasis on Christian/European education that is not realistic in many regions of South Africa. The paper argues that curriculum has to reflect the cultural and racial diversity in South Africa, and further suggests that all languages and cultures in South Africa are essential in the building of an anti‐racist and anti‐sexist society. The monitoring of academic activity in a democratic education system can be confusing to teachers who have been trained within the confines of an apartheid (Bantu) education. The paper therefore suggests that more funds will have to be put aside by the government to upgrade the pedagogical approach of teachers so that they can be able to deal with their new role of leadership and the developing of content, and tackle issues of sexism/racism both in and out of the classroom. Keywords Apartheid education, Bantu education, Black Consciousness, democracy, pedagogy

African Historical Review

Linda Chisholm

bantustans for special attention; rather, it has analysed these as part of South Africa’s broader segregationist and apartheid strategy. This article shares and builds on this perspective, extending the analysis by looking more closely at four specific bantustans— Bophuthatswana, Venda, KaNgwane and KwaZulu—and the links between their local and more broadly South African reformist and transnational developmental discourses during the 1980s. It examines how different educational networks formed “discourse coalitions” across these bantustans through the participation of educational reformers and experts in key education commissions and educational projects and initiatives. The article explores the roles of individuals involved in the development of educational reforms and their circulation both across the bantustans and between these bantustans and South Africa. It shows how discourses about education reform in the bantustans and South Africa deployed the language and concepts of development education, which integrated these bantustans into a reformist agenda prolonging rather than dismantling apartheid. The article casts new light on the cross-border relationships around education that bound them to one another and South Africa.

This article considers the legacies of apartheid education and new directions taken since 1994 by first problematising the concept of an apartheid legacy, and then examining it within the broader historical context of the emergence of a racially differentiated system of mass schooling under specific political and economic conditions in the twentieth century. The principal legacies that new policy in the post-apartheid period accordingly intended to address included (i) The racially-segregated and unequal financing, organization and provision of education; (ii) poor quality of education for black people; (iii) high youth unemployment and (iv) low levels of participation in adult, technical and higher education. The article shows how new initiatives for the reorganization of education, teacher policy, curriculum, skills development and higher education were introduced under specific economic and political conditions and argues that they have not shifted broader inequalities and have demonstrated continuities as far as learning outcomes are concerned. Contrary to apartheid denialist positions, this contradiction is explained by reference to the strong presence of the past in the present, the contradiction between educational intentions and outcomes and the dependent role of education in any social order.

Johannes Seroto

submitted in the fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Peabody Journal of Education

Brian L Heuser

Language Learning Journal

Phillip Pare

The main argument of this overview article is that the Bantu languages of South Africa should have a far more significant role in education. We contend that the strong preference for English as medium of instruction among black learners is largely responsible for their inadequate educational performance, particularly since most of these learners do not have the required skills in English. This is particularly the case in rural and township schools and in what we term ‘lower ex-model C schools’, given the socio-economic realities of the communities in which these schools are located. Were the Bantu languages used for learning and teaching purposes in an effective way, we suggest the educational outcomes of black learners would be significantly better. We accept, of course, that schools, especially secondary schools, cannot immediately implement a policy of using the Bantu languages as media of instruction. Several research and development challenges need to be addressed for this to happen. These include: transforming the socio-political meanings attached to these languages; their further corpus development as well as their status, prestige, acquisition and usage development; the development and implementation of language-in-education policies which address the basic educational and sociolinguistic realities; and the effective distribution of information to school governing bodies about the issues relevant to the selection of a medium of instruction. In our view, South Africa will not become a developed, effectively multilingual and nationally integrated country if linguistic equity and parity of esteem are not established in a meaningful way for all official languages, which includes provision for their use as media of instruction throughout.

William J Dominik

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