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A Separate Peace

John knowles.

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War and Rivalry

John Knowles’s A Separate Peace is a novel about violence and rancor even though Gene , its protagonist, never actually faces battle. The book begins as news of World War II sweeps over Gene and his best friend, Finny , infiltrating their final summer term and academic year at the Devon School . Despite the constant presence of the war, though, Finny and Gene exist in the halcyon days of youthful innocence, focusing on schoolboy…

A Separate Peace showcases the process of identity formation. Gene makes his way through several identities in an attempt to define himself in relation to his surroundings. Although he experiments with multiple personas (the athlete, the intellectual, the daredevil, etc.), the most prominent identity that he adopts is arguably that of Finny ’s best friend. Investing himself in their friendship, Gene closely associates himself with Finny, feeling proud that he’s his closest friend. However, defining…

Change and Growing Up

John Knowles’s A Separate Peace is a story about the ways in which time and maturity can change a person’s perspective on the past. At the beginning of the novel, Gene visits the Devon School for the first time in 15 years. When he arrives, he realizes that he has always thought of the school itself as frozen in time. By association, then, he has also considered his experiences at the school as immutably stuck…

Optimism, Idealization, and Denial

In A Separate Peace , John Knowles examines optimism, suggesting that it can sometimes lead to denial. As someone who makes the best of any situation, Finny focuses only on what he thinks is good. He deeply appreciates the purity of athletics, thinking that sports are an “absolute good” and believing that everyone always wins whenever they play sports, since the mere act of taking part in such activities is rewarding in and of itself…

Friendship and Honesty

More than anything, A Separate Peace is a novel about friendship—its joys, its benefits, its limits. Gene and Finny ’s relationship is unique, shot through with both childish simplicity and a complex tenderness they don’t always know how to navigate. To add to this already intricate dynamic, envy and competition often work their way into the friendship, and this is what ultimately threatens their bond. Throughout the novel, Gene tries to sort out his feelings…

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A Separate Peace Essays

It is very inevitable that somewhere in our lives, we have been touched by a special bond called “friendship”. That special bond might happen in the most unusual time and place. It might even be connected not just with love, but also with envy and selfishness. A Separate Peace is a timeless novel...

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A Separate Peace: Social Stereotypes Thesis: The five main characters in John Knowles' A Separate Peace represent social stereotypes, according to some people. In his book A Separate Peace, John Knowles represents jocks with Phineas, a character who believes that sports are the key to life...

A Separate Peace: Three Symbols The three dichotomous symbols in A Separate Peace by John Knowles reinforce the innocence and evil of the main characters, Finny and Gene. Beside the Devon School flow two rivers on opposite sides of the school, the Naguamsett and the Devon. The Devon provides...

A Separate Peace: Contrasting Gene and Phineas and the Struggle for Power Julie Gibson John Knowles' A Separate Peace depicts many examples of how power is used. In A Separate Peace, two opposing characters struggle for their own separate might. Gene Forrester, the reserved narrator, is weakened...

Peace only comes at the price of great struggle and sacrifice for most people. In essence, it only comes when you have defeated the enemy, or the enemy has defeated you. John Knowles was able to capture the subtle goal and essence of his novel by titling it A Separate Peace. A Separate Peace is a...

A Separate Peace is a remarkable story about the relationship between two young students, Gene and Phineas. Their friendship develops through the formation of secret societies and late night card games. A tragic event, at first glance an accident, changes their lives forever. As the story unfolds...

"? It seemed clear that wars were not made by generations and their special stupidities, but wars were made instead by something ignorant in the human heart. " The background of "A separate Peace" is the Second World War and the focus of book is a group of sixteen-year-old boys who are moving...

A Separate Peace Dealing with enemies has been a problem since the beginning of time. "I never killed anybody," Gene had commented later in his life, "And I never developed an intense level of hatred for the enemy. Because my war ended before I ever put on a uniform, I was on active duty all my...

Difference Too Often Leads to Hate Many times in the world, differences have lead to hate. Think of Martin Luther King, for example, who stood for fighting against one of the largest differences. A Separate Peace, by John Knowles, is one of many examples of differences leading to hate. Gene and...

A Separate Peace Obstacles after obstacles came in the path to success. In the novel A Separate Peace, John Knowles revealed a very strong idea through one of his characters. Through Gene it was revealed that weak individual who once was weak morally and mentally can become a strong and a more...

A Separate Peace: Friendship, Conformity, and War We have all experienced friendship in our lives; some of these bonds were lasting and others were not. A Separate Peace is a book that deals with the friendship of high school boys. These boys attend an all-boy’s school called Devon School...

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"He was everywhere, he enjoyed himself hugely, he laughed out loud at passing sea gulls"(39). This line is describing Phineas, or Finny, and how he lives life to it's fullest and seizes the day. Finny is an example of living the "carpe diem" (seize the day) philosophy from the movie "Dead Poets...

In John Knowle's A Separate Peace, symbols are used to develop and advance the themes of the novel. One theme is the lack of an awareness of the real world among the students who attend the Devon Academy. The war is a symbol of the 'real world', from which the boys exclude themselves...

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The novel A Separate Peace focuses mainly around a 17 year old named Gene Forrester and his psychological development. The story is set in a boys boarding school in USA during World War II. There are four main boys in the novel and they all undergo major character changes through the story. One of...

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Every person feels rivalry or competition towards others at some point in their lives. This rivalry greatly affects our ability to understand others, and this eventually results in paranoia and hostility. It is a part of human nature, that people coldly drive ahead for their gain alone. Man's...

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In the book A Separate Peace by John Knowles, one of the main themes is the effects of realism, idealism, and isolationism on Brinker, Phineas, and Gene. Though not everyone can be described using one of these approaches to life, the approaches completely conform to these characters to create one...

A Separate Peace Gene Forrester is a quiet, intellectual student at Devon School in New Hampshire. During the Summer Session of 1942, he becomes close friends with his daredevil roommate Finny, who has a talent for getting away with mischief through his sincere, disarming charisma. Finny prods...

Nathan Gourley Pd2 4/25/00 In John Knowles book A Separate Peace he communicates how the war in him was taking its toll on him. He uses the characters in a complicated plot to show the destructive forces of war. The characters, Gene and Finny, are the opposing forces in a struggle between the...

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Most stories' titles give readers some insight of what the story will be about. This important concept is seen in the novel, A Separate Peace, written by John Knowles. In general the setting is its own separate peace. There are also specific examples of when characters in the novel try to create...

Gene Forrester's difficult journey towards maturity and the adult world is a main focus of the novel, A Separate Peace, by John Knowles. Gene's journey begins the moment he pushes Phineas from the tree and the process continues until he visits the tree fifteen years later. Throughout this...

A Separate Peace John Knowles

A Separate Peace essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of A Separate Peace by John Knowles.

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A Separate Peace Essays

An analysis of the dissimilarity between phineas and brinker anonymous, a separate peace.

While World War II rages in Europe, a different type of struggle affects the young students at an all-boys private boarding school. "A Separate Peace", by John Knowles, outlines the emotional struggle at Devon during the 1942 summer and winter...

Growing Up in A Separate Peace Gabriella Calvino 11th Grade

As Ernest Hemingway once wisely proclaimed, “All things truly wicked start from innocence” (Hemingway 73). The truth in Hemingway’s words is that most everything does begin as pure and true, and only through a series of components does it turn...

Dramatic Change in A Separate Peace Duncan McLarty 11th Grade

High school is a time for great physical, mental, and emotional changes in youth. Some students experience a one-foot height change, others, an epiphany. These changes happen over the course of high school, but can be brought about quickly under...

The Before and the After: Finding Identity in the Midst of War Sarah Chow 10th Grade

Everyone, at some point, has an experience that so profoundly alters his or her life that it seems to define time itself. For many Americans, the tragic terrorist attacks that took place on September 11, 2001 fractured life into two pieces: before...

The Boarding School Microcosm: The Unrealistic Portrayal of “Real Life” in the Institutions of Young Adult Literature Kelly Bergh College

Young adult novels set at boarding schools typically feature protagonists that encounter trials not necessarily representative of life outside of fiction on their journey towards adulthood. Rather, these texts amplify struggles and cause problems...

One Tree, Hidden Meanings: A Close Reading of Symbolism in A Separate Peace Anonymous 10th Grade

Everyone has a specific object or place that immediately floods them with memories. Whether it be the stretch of road where they crashed or a pencil they used to pass a huge test, these items are everywhere. The memories they hold can be painful...

Symbolic Wages of War Emily McCarthy 10th Grade

As children begin to age and minds start to mature, they are able to comprehend that the world can be a trying place full of crime, death, and war. The older a person gets, the more responsibilities and problems they will encounter. Some may never...

Opposites Attract: Duality as Expressed Through Character and Imagery in 'A Separate Peace' Anonymous 9th Grade

Only when we compare something to its opposite can we see the true value of an object. In A Separate Peace by John Knowles, duality is a very important motif that helps set the theme of the entire book. Gene and Finny are two very different...

A Separate Peace

Introduction to a separate peace, summary of a separate peace, major characters of a separate peace, major themes in a separate peace, writing style of a separate peace, analysis of the literary devices in a separate peace, related posts:, post navigation.

A Separate Peace

95 pages • 3 hours read

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Discussion Questions

How does the novel formulate US/American national identity? What does it mean to Gene to be an American? What about Brinker? Finny? Use evidence from the text to support your claim .

Consider how Brinker’s dad responds to Brinker and Gene’s discussion about enlisting. How does bring up a generational gap in perceptions about the war? What are the stakes for Mr. Hadley’s view of the war? How do the other adults in the novel support or refute Mr. Hadley’s formulation of the war?

Based on the evidence in the text, do you think that Gene intentionally jostles the branch to knock Finny to the ground? How does this decision affect the rest of the narrative? How would a different conclusion change the story?

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A Separate Peace: Photo Essay

• John Knowles
• Photo Essay
• Perspectives on the Film
• Selected Bibliography
• Exeter Bulletin Articles

I have not set out to reconstruct the Exeter scene of 1945. Nearly all of these pictures are recent [1970], with exceptions in the case of an important building or room which has been removed or remodeled. Although there is much new construction taking place on the campus, many of the old buildings have not been changed.

To schoolboys of today that war has become ancient history, but the encroachments of war upon young men's lives remains essentially the same. And what makes A Separate Peace impressive is the way it reaches into the existence of boys at school, an intense, competitive, often lonely existence, from which adults are largely excluded. Because this basis of living does not change, the boys pictured here are, with allowances for fashion, like those of any time. These photographs are not meant to dispel the mystery of their unique world, any more than facts about an author can rob a novel of its art. Perhaps they will add new subjects for speculation.

I am grateful to Richard Niebling, whose suggestions led to this undertaking, to Paul Sadler Jr. for planning and designing this essay, to Bradford Herzog for his evocative photographs, and to John Knowles for permission to use excerpts from his novel.

---- Thomas Hinkle, Editor

It was early afternoon and the grounds and buildings were deserted, since everyone was at sports. There was nothing to distract me as I made my way across a wide yard, called the Far Common, and up to a building as red brick and balanced as the other major buildings, but with a large cupola and a bell and a clock and Latin over the doorway--the First Academy Building.

In through swinging doors I reached a marble foyer, and stopped at the foot of a long white marble flight of stairs. Although they were old stairs, the worn moons in the middle of each step were not very deep. The marble must be unusually hard. That seemed very likely, only too likely, although with all my thought about these stairs this exceptional hardness had not occurred to me. It was surprising that I had overlooked that, that crucial fact.

D evon is sometimes considered the most beautiful School in New England, and even on this dismal afternoon its power was asserted. It is the beauty of small areas of order  --a large yard, a group of trees, three similar dormitories, a circle of old houses--living together in contentious harmony.

But once you passed through the Colonial doorways with only an occasional fan window or low relief pillar to suggest that a certain muted adornment was permissible, you entered an extravaganza of Pompadour splendor.

No one else happened to be in the pool. Around us gleamed white tile and glass brick; the green, artificial-looking water rocked gently in its shining basin, releasing vague chemical smells and a sense of many pipes and filters; even Finny's voice, trapped in this closed, high-ceilinged room, lost its special resonance and blurred into a general well of noise gathered up toward the ceiling. He said blurringly, "I have a feeling I can swim faster than A. Hopkins Parker."

I found it. I found a single sustaining thought. The thought was, You and Phineas are even already. You are even in enmity. You are both coldly driving ahead for yourselves alone. You did hate him for breaking that school swimmingrecord, but so what? He hated you for getting an A in every course but one last term. You would have had an A in that one except for him. Except for him.

The great expanses of wall space were opaque with canvas, portraits in oil of deceased head- masters, a founder or two, forgotten leaders of the faculty, a beloved athletic coach none of us had ever heard of, a lady we could not identify--her fortune had largely rebuilt the school; a nameless poet who was thought when under the school's protection to be destined primarily for future generations; a young hero now anonymous who looked theatrical in the First World War uniform in which he had died.

  ...I wanted no more of sports. They were barred from me, as though when Dr. Stanpole said, "Sports are finished" he had been speaking of me. I didn't trust myself in them, and I didn't trust anyone else. It was as though football players were really bent on crushing the life out of each other, as though boxers were in combat to the death, as though even a tennis ball might turn into a bullet. This didn't seem completely crazy imagination in 1942, when jumping out of trees stood for abandoning a torpedoed ship. Later, in the school swimming pool, we were given the second stage in that rehearsal: after you hit the water you made big splashes with your hands, to scatter the flaming oil which would be on the surface.

But in a week I had forgotten that, and I have never since forgotten the dazed look on Finny's face when he thought that on the first day of his return to Devon I was going to desert him. I didn't know why he had chosen me, why it was only to me that he could show the most humbling sides of his handicap. I didn't care. For the war was no longer eroding the peaceful summertime stillness I had prized so much at Devon, and although the playing fields were crusted under a foot of congealed snow and the river was now a hard gray-white lane of ice between gaunt trees, peace had come back to Devon for me.

...sweat was running like oil from Finny's face, and when he paused involuntary tremors shook his hands and arms. The leg in its cast was like a sea anchor dragged behind.

Mornings we got up at six to run. I dressed in a gym sweat suit with a towel tucked around my throat, and Finny in pajamas, ski boots and his sheep-lined coat.

This plain of snow shone a powdery white that morning; the sun blazed icily somewhere too low on the horizon to be seen directly, but its clean rays shed a blue-white glimmer all around us. The northern sunshine seemed to pick up faint particles of whiteness floating in the air and powdering the sleek blue sky. Nothing stirred. The bare arching branches of the elm seemed laid into this motionless sky.

And these Saturdays are worst in the late winter when the snow has lost its novelty and its shine, and the school seems to have been reduced to only a network of drains. During the brief thaw in the early afternoon there is a dismal gurgling of dirty water seeping down pipes and along gutters, a gray seamy shifting beneath the crust of snow, which cracks to show patches of frozen mud beneath.

The sky is an empty hopeless gray and gives the impression that this is its eternal shade. Winter's occupation seems to have conquered, overrun and destroyed everything, so that now there is no longer any resistance movement left in nature; all the juices are dead, every sprig of vitality snapped, and now winter itself, an old, corrupt, tired conqueror, loosens its grip on the desolation, recedes a little, grows careless in its watch; sick of victory and enfeebled by the absence of challenge, it begins itself to withdraw from the ruined countryside. The drains alone are active, and on these Saturdays their noises sound a dull recessional to winter.

There is no such grove, I know now, but the morning of my return to Devon I imagined that it might be just over the visible horizon, or the horizon after that.

At Devon the open ground among the buildings had been given carefully English names--the Center Common, the Far Common, the Fields, and the Fields Beyond. These last were past the gym, the tennis courts, the river and the stadium, on the edge of the woods which, however English in name, were in my mind primevally American, reaching in unbroken forests far to the north, into the great northern wilderness.

The excellent exterior acoustics recorded his rushing steps and the quick rapping of his cane along the corridor and on the first steps of the marble stairway. Then these separate sounds collided into the general tumult of his body falling clumsily down the white marble stairs.

I  reached the bridge which arches over the little Devon River and beyond it the dirt track which curves toward the stadium. The stadium itself, two white concrete banks of seats, was as powerful and alien to me as an Aztec ruin, filled with the traces of vanished people and vanished rites, of supreme emotions and supreme tragedies. The old phrase about "If these walls could only speak" occurred to me and I felt it more deeply than anyone has ever felt it, I felt that the stadium could not only speak but that its words could hold me spellbound. In fact the stadium did speak powerfully and at all times, including this moment. But I could not hear, and that was because I did not exist.

All of them, all except Phineas, constructed at infinite cost to themselves these Maginot Lines against this enemy they thought they saw across the frontier, this enemy who never attacked that way--if he ever attacked at all; if he was indeed the enemy.

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An Outcome ‘Up for Grabs’: What Can Russia and Ukraine Expect from the Next U.S. Administration?

Photo: Oleksii Filippov/AFP/Getty Images

Commentary by Maria Snegovaya , Tina Dolbaia , and Nick Fenton

Published September 26, 2024

This commentary is part of a report from the CSIS Geopolitics and Foreign Policy Department entitled The Global Impact of the 2024 U.S. Presidential Election . The report features a set of essays assessing the meaning of the election for Europe, Russia, Eurasia, the Indo-Pacific, the Americas, Africa, and the Middle East.

The outcome of the 2024 U.S. presidential election will likely have a significant impact on the continuity and direction of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine—and therefore the domestic and foreign policies of both Moscow and Kyiv.

So far, the Kremlin’s efforts have made Russia resilient despite the U.S.-led sanctions regime, largely shielding its economy and war effort from any immediate disastrous consequences. Facing foreign divestment, Russia has abandoned austerity, turning to its extensive financial reserves to run a budget deficit of 2 percent of GDP. Moscow has also managed to redirect Russian crude oil shipments from the European Union to countries such as India, China, and Turkey. These actions, among others, have allowed the Kremlin to sustain soaring defense spending and have made the defense sector the economy’s main driver. By importing dual-use technology and military weapons from its partner countries, such as China, Iran, and North Korea, Russia has kept its armed forces in Ukraine relatively well supplied .

At the same time, a significant increase in government spending has caused the Russian economy to overheat , leading to rising costs of living, labor shortages, and diminishing financial reserves. When these issues are coupled with high Russian casualty rates in Ukraine, estimated to have exceeded a total of 500,000 since the start of the invasion, Russia’s ability to maintain steady recruitment levels comes into question.

But Ukraine is in no better position. Kyiv surprised Moscow with its Kursk offensive, putting pressure on the Kremlin and illuminating existing deficiencies within the Russian military. However, a recent Russian counterattack might be winning back some parts of the Ukrainian captured territories. Russian gains in Ukraine, albeit with heavy losses, also keep adding up. This trend has become especially evident in the Donetsk region, where Russian troops are now threatening Ukraine’s key regional strongholds.

Against this backdrop are the U.S. elections in November, which could change both sides’ calculus, actions, and fortunes. At first glance, Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris and her vice presidential pick Tim Walz seem like good news for Ukraine. People close to President Zelensky view Harris as a reassuring candidate who is highly likely to continue President Biden’s policy of supporting Kyiv for “as long as it takes.” Indeed, during the September 10 presidential debates between Harris and Trump, Harris praised U.S. and NATO support for Ukraine and said that it would continue under her presidency. Similarly, Walz is considered a strong advocate for Ukraine. As governor of Minnesota, he signed legislation restricting state agencies from doing business with Russian or Belarusian companies. His state is also home to arms manufacturers supplying weapons to Ukraine.

Even though Kyiv remains hopeful about the Harris-Walz duo, the Zelensky administration would prefer if Harris broke from the strategic caution characteristic of the Biden administration. While Biden has secured unprecedented Western support for Ukraine, he has also been cautious about supplying certain offensive weapons to Kyiv and has put limitations on their use to avoid escalation with a fellow nuclear power. Ukrainian leaders believe this concern over escalation, especially following the Kursk incursion, has been exaggerated and has prevented Ukraine from launching an effective counteroffensive against Russia. Ukraine, therefore, would like to see a new Harris administration take more decisive steps in terms of arms delivery and their geographic use, which, in turn, could strengthen Kyiv’s negotiating position and ultimately secure a “ just peace ” with Moscow.

This policy shift now seems more likely due to U.S. secretary of state Antony Blinken’s recent visit to Kyiv, which has led some Western analysts to assume that Washington might soon be lifting existing geographic restrictions on the use of U.S. weapons by the Ukrainians. If this happens, Harris will likely follow her predecessor’s suit, but she might also expect more active European involvement. Two individuals believed to play an important role in the new Harris administration—Harris’s current national security adviser, Philip Gordon, and deputy national security adviser, Rebecca Lissner—appear to share a vision of the world in which the United States acknowledges its past examples of overreach and limits its grand ambitions in the international arena. This may also indicate a renewed U.S. effort to urge European capitals to increase their own support for Kyiv if Harris wins.

In public, Russia officially embraced the Harris-Walz duo. Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov has said that Moscow was “not very surprised” with Biden’s withdrawal from the presidential race and could not assess what a Harris presidency would mean for U.S.-Russia relations, noting that aside from some instances of unfriendly rhetoric, “her contribution to our bilateral relations has not been noticed.” Putin, on several occasions, has jokingly mentioned that he supports Harris’ candidacy. However, experts on Russia argue that in private the Kremlin is highly concerned about Harris’s campaign. Russia likely sees Harris as representing “liberal terrorists [and] liberal dictators,” making it difficult to end the war favorably for Russia under her presidency. Of course, much depends on Harris’s rhetoric and actions if she is elected president. Should she double down on Western arms delivery efforts to Ukraine and further weaken restrictions on the use of different weapons systems, Russia will likely announce a new wave of mobilization in the first few months of her presidency.

In the case of Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump, there appears to be even less certainty for Ukraine. Trump has previously claimed he would end the war within a day after taking office by forcing Zelensky and Russian president Vladimir Putin to negotiate. During the presidential debate with Harris, he reiterated his clear desire for the war to end, but refused to provide a direct answer as to whether or not he wanted Ukraine to win. Recently, retired U.S. lieutenant general Keith Kellogg and former CIA analyst Fred Fleitz, both serving as chiefs of staff in Trump’s National Security Council from 2017 to 2021, have presented him with a concrete plan to end the war , to which he allegedly responded favorably. The plan envisages Washington halting further weapons deliveries to Kyiv if it does not enter peace talks with Moscow. The White House would simultaneously warn Russia that, should it refuse to negotiate, U.S. support for Ukraine would increase. Trump’s vice presidential pick, Ohio senator JD Vance, has repeatedly criticized Ukraine, arguing that he does not “ really care ” what happens to Kyiv, as the Russia-Ukraine war has been exhausting the U.S. resources necessary to counter Washington’s real security threat—China. Elbridge Colby, a possible Trump administration senior official, holds a position on Russia and Ukraine that in many ways overlaps with Vance’s.

Other analysts argue that Trump’s Ukraine policy might be more unpredictable than expected. For instance, this spring, Trump gave House Speaker Mike Johnson tacit approval for a $60 billion aid package to Ukraine. In July, Trump had a “ very good call ” with Zelensky, during which he reportedly pledged to “achieve a just peace in Ukraine” if reelected. A July 25 op-ed, “ A Trump Peace Plan for Ukraine ,” coauthored by Trump’s former secretary of state Mike Pompeo, offered strong backing for Ukraine, proposing policies like driving down oil prices, reinforcing sanctions on Russia, bulking up the U.S. defense industry, creating a $500 billion lend-lease program for Ukraine, and integrating Ukraine into NATO. However, it is unclear whether Trump and Vance would embrace these suggestions fully, partially, or not at all.

Therefore, should Trump win the 2024 presidential race, he might (1) seek a hasty peace deal, which would ultimately benefit Moscow, leaving Crimea and other annexed territories in eastern Ukraine to Russia and Kyiv without a clear path to NATO or EU membership; (2) let the war continue, ultimately exhausting Russian resources but also testing Ukrainian and Western resolve; or (3) escalate the conflict, especially if Moscow proves difficult to negotiate with, by furnishing Ukraine with arms the Biden administration was reluctant to send. According to CSIS senior associate Michael Kimmage , Trump, like Putin, might even “refuse to declare tactical nuclear weapons off limits in Ukraine . . . to strengthen his hand at the negotiating table, as a bluff or just to separate himself from his predecessors.” All in all, Trump’s reelection would not automatically mean that Kyiv will lose or that Moscow will emerge victorious. As Politico’s Matthew Kaminski has said , “The outcome is up for grabs and the people around Trump are fighting over it.”

Policy Recommendations for the Next U.S. Administration

• Define the limits of U.S. engagement in the Russia-Ukraine war vis-à-vis other priorities. Russia continues to strengthen its defense-military partnerships with China, Iran, and North Korea and has boosted economic and trade relations with the middle powers (e.g., India, Brazil) and other Global South countries. Whatever the next steps vis-à-vis Ukraine (strengthening it militarily or seeking an end to the conflict), the White House should provide a plan explaining how each policy decision ensures the United States retains a competitive edge against China in terms of the wide-ranging strategic competition between Washington and Beijing.
• Agree on the long-term goals for Ukraine. In the last two years, the Western coalition’s perceived inability to dramatically weaken Russia’s military potential or proactively provide Ukraine with much-needed weapons has led to internal tensions and undermined its credibility in the eyes of other countries. The next U.S. administration should provide a clear vision of the goals for the war and the road map toward achieving them.
• Undermine Russia’s oil revenues. Peace talks notwithstanding, Putin’s Russia will remain a long-term U.S. challenge, attempting to undermine Washington’s global influence. To weaken Russia’s long-term war-fighting potential, it is critical to deprive the Russian state of the revenues needed to sustain its war effort. Russia remains deeply dependent on revenues from fossil fuel exports. Yet the West has been reluctant to aggressively target Russian oil exports for fear of the political and economic fallout and has failed to enforce existing measures like the G7’s oil price cap. The task is to identify what actions the West can take to deprive Russia of energy revenues without causing significant global economic or energy disruption. The next U.S. administration should identify effective measures to reduce Russian energy revenues going forward.  

Maria Snegovaya is a senior fellow for Russia and Eurasia with the Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Washington, D.C. Tina Dolbaia is a research associate with the CSIS Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program. Nick Fenton is a program manager and research associate with the CSIS Europe, Russia, and Eurasia Program.

Commentary is produced by the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be understood to be solely those of the author(s).

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Maria Snegovaya

Tina Dolbaia

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